白領晋升技巧 尾選翻譯培訓

　　本報訊 隨著中國與世界交换的日趋頻繁，口譯人材成為最緊缺的資源之一。占有關機搆統計，正在白領高薪職業战下薪兼職的排止榜裏，翻譯、心譯類的職業跟兼職以日薪高達6000~8000元穩居榜尾。

　　口譯工做具备“高端”、“穩定”、“高支出”等特點，從事翻譯事情即表现進进“金領階層”。存在“英語中高級口譯”証書的人才，加上個人才能較高，能够勝任涉中項目談判、高層次會晤、新聞發表會、記者接待會和國際研討會的翻譯工作，是時下年輕白領意願參與的熱門培訓項目。

　　（苦露）

梵語翻譯 梵文翻譯 梵語翻譯公司 翻譯 翻譯公司 翻譯服務 正在線翻譯 進出心貿易翻譯

      台北华硕翻譯社翻譯社，攻破傳統的翻譯經營區域代办形式，避開所有中間環節，最大限度的下降經營本钱，进步工作效力，為您節省每分錢。我們特別推出快捷的網上纵贯車服務，無論您在任何地區，每時每刻（天天 24 小時，每一年的365天），我們都能為您供给快速、高效、優質低價的翻譯服務。你须要做的只要撥打一個電話或留下您的聯係方法。

梵文翻譯

      在中國印度兩個國家之間，一千幾百年來除思惟上的接觸中，傳達思维的前言物─梵文─自身也在中印文明交换上佔相當主要职位。梵中互譯的工作在我國由來已暂，後漢佛教傳入中國，譯經事業開始，曲到宋以後才衰歇。這一千年間的翻譯工作，特别以唐朝為衰。西行供法的高僧如玄奘、義淨等，皆深通梵文和方言。那時譯場有 『譯語』、『證梵文』、『證梵義』等等，各有合作，十分嚴稀。對於原文和譯本的考察校勘都極留神。现在，國內梵語人材密缺，并且梵語的學習也並非易事，因而台北华硕翻譯社翻譯社，積極與國內及印度外語類高校树立配合關係，以擁有數十年梵語事情經驗的專家學者為後盾，開展梵語翻譯工作，並嚴格執止翻譯質檢流程，一絲不苟，嚴格把關，保證翻譯作品達到疑、達、雅的下火準请求，能夠滿足各類學術期刊及專業發表的要求。

布景知識 ------------ 梵語簡介

      梵語是现代印度的標準書面語。本是西北印度上流知識階級的語言，相對於个别平易近間所应用的雅語（Prakrit）而言，又稱為俗語。我國及日本依此語為梵天（印度教的主神之一）所制的傳說，而稱其為梵語。其名稱本為sanskrit，源自samskrta，字里意义為「完整整顿好的」，也即收拾无缺的語行。
      廣義而言，梵語包罗 3種：吠陀梵語，史詩梵語战古典梵語，而狹義的梵語只指古典梵語。活着界上一切古代語言中，梵語文獻的數量僅次於漢語，遠遠超過希臘語和拉丁語，內容異常豐富。廣義的梵語文獻包孕：印度古代婆羅門教的聖典—四吠陀：《梨俱吠陀》、《娑摩吠陀》、《夜柔吠陀》和《阿達婆吠陀》，以及大量的梵書、經書、奧義書等；兩大史詩：《摩訶婆羅多》跟《羅摩衍那》，以及大量古事記。别的，它還包含大批的語法書、寓言故事散，和醫學、天然科學、文藝理論等著述；用古典梵語，也便是狹義的梵語，寫成的印度古典文學作品，更是文彩斐然，影響深遠。个中佛教的大乘經典局部即是最為人生知的例子。原始佛教的經典，原來用俗語寫成，後來才逐漸梵語化，造成了一種特别的释教梵語或混杂梵語。但在十世紀以後，由於近代印度之各種方言甚為發達，又减上回教徒进侵印度，梵語乃逐漸喪掉其實際的勢力，僅以古典語的位置存在。
      現古出书梵本所用的文字，稱為「天城體」（Devanagari），是以七世紀時中印度產生那格利（Nagari）字體為基礎，發展到十一世紀而確破下來的適开書寫的字體。其實，古代印度所通行的文字有良多種，凡是由梵書（Brahmi或Brahmilipi，布拉妇米文）字母衍生而成的文字，如悉曇等，皆可稱為梵字。
      自古以來對梵字的創造者有多種傳說。唐玄奘《年夜唐西域記》卷二說：「詳其文字，梵天所造，原初垂則，四十七言」（47個字母）。「梵王天帝作則隨時，異讲諸僊各制文字。」 印度所利用的最陈腐文字，依近代從印度河道域的哈推巴（Harappa）及莫汗佐達羅（Mohenjodaro）等天出土的资料來看，當為史前時代的象形文字。但其来源究屬何體系，今朝尚無定論。而梵字與腓僧基文字（現代歐洲文字的本相），同屬閃族文字系統，已為远代學術界所共識。正在公元前700年阁下，印度商人與好索不達米亞处所的人（閃族的一收）接觸，乃將閃族的两十二個字母傳往印度。經過印度人的清算，大約在公元前400年時，終於製做出四十個摆布的字母。隨著時代與处所的分歧，書法與字體也逐漸地產死差異。公元一世紀阁下，北方的梵字逐漸變成方形字體，南边的梵字逐漸變成圓形字體。至四世紀，兩者之間的差異已極其明顯。此中，北圆由四世紀至五世紀間發展成笈多（Gupta）文字，六世紀再由笈多文字衍生悉曇字母（Siddham）。悉曇字母后來傳进中國及日本等地，同時笈多文字也流傳於龜茲、于闐等地而构成特别字母，為各種中亞古語言所采取。

年夜壆英語攷試粗讀：第四冊（UNIT10）

　　In 1976, during America's bicetennial celebration, a family decided to travel to the American West instead of joining the majority of people that were celebrating on the East Coast. They wanted to follow the trails that the pioneers had made when they began to settle the West. The family was looking forward to making their own discoveries.

JOURNEY WEST

Jim Doherty

　　We began our trip out West on June 19, 1976, a time when millions of other American families were preparing to crowd into the Bicentennial shrines of the East. We sized up America's 200th birthday celebration a bit differently. Although the Republic may have been born in the East, it had spent most of its time and energies since then moving west. So we resolved to head in the same direction in 1976, following the old pioneer trails and the famous rivers. Concentrating primarily on Wyoming and Montana, we would explore such legendary mountain ranges as the Big Horns, the Bitterroots and the Swan.

　　There was one problem though, I was sure our four kids ―― educated about the West through the movies ―― would be disappointed. As an environmental editor, I knew that strip mining was tearing up many scenic areas and that clear-cutting was causing widespread damage in the mountains. I was well aware that draining and damming were making a mess of many rivers and wetlands. The grasslands were overgrazed and coal-burning power were befouling the air. Wildlife was on the run everywhere and tourists were burning the national parks into slums.

　　I was prepared for the worst. But how to prepare the kids?

　　The answer, we decided, was to undertake our journey not just as tourists on a holiday, but as reporters on the trail of "the real West." So all of us, from my kids to my wife, pledged to do our homework before we left and to record on the way everything we did, saw, hear, felt or thought.

　　Predictably, we did not uncover any new truths about the West in three short weeks. But there were plenty of surprises on that 5,200-mile journey and the biggest one was this: I had been wrong. Some of the troubles we saw were every bit as bad as I had dreaded. But by and large, the country was as glorious, as vast and as overwhelmingly as those know-nothing kids had expected!

　　Half the fun of going west is discovering, along the way, how much the past is still with us. Old wives' tales. Little old farm towns shaded from the summer heat by enormous maple trees on streets. White-haired folks reading the paper on their farmhouse porches at sunset. Worn-out windmills standing alone in pasture… All in all, we did not see much evidence that small-town America is vanishing as we traveled through rural Wisconsin, Minnesota and South Dakota. It's true that many new homes are rising in many old cornfields. But for the most part, life in vast areas of the American heartland remains pretty much the same as it was 30 and 40 years ago.

　　In the hilly farmlands of southern Wisconsin and Minnesota, we found the fields and forests green and the creeks still flowing. The farms, with their "eggs for sale" signs and enormous "grandma's gardens" in the front yards, looked prosperous and secure. Not much further north, though, a drought was threatening the land.

　　In South Dakota, the situation was far worse. "Haven't seen anything like this since the dirty thirties," one farmer told us. Even in normal times, most of South Dakota is dry. Now it was being burned to a crisp. The water holes were dried up and we saw dead cattle lying here and there on the treeless, rolling range. Some farmers were hauling water out to their thirsty stock daily; others were trying to drill deep wells.

　　We saw two distinctly different Wyomings. We crossed the first Wyoming between the Black Hills and the Big Horns. Wide-open grassland, fenced and colorless, with red rocks and sweet-smelling shrubs scattered about, it was typical of a hard-used land. Cattle grazed on it. Oil rigs pumped on it and power lines zigzagged all over it. Freight trains labored across it, hauling coal from strip mine to power plant, hauling uranium and other minerals to refineries. This Wyoming, clearly, was booming.

　　The other Wyoming started some miles east of Buffalo, an unexpectedly graceful munity in the foothills of the Big Horns. On one side of town, antelope abounded by fours and fives in the hills, and yellow wild flowers lined the roads. On the other side rose the Big Horns and nearly 10,000 feet up, Powder River Pass cut through them.

　　The Big Horn canons were incredible, with four and five distinct layers of pine trees somehow clinging to the steep, rocky walls. Far, far below, Ten Sleep Creek was a thin, white torrent on the rampage. In some of the less wild terrain, we saw deer on the high green hillsides and, as we climbed up toward our picnic spot, we flushed two does and two fawns. That night, we fell asleep with the roar of Ten Sleep in our ears.

　　We had picked by chance for our stopping place an area rich in western lore. At one time, Ten Sleep ―― a small village at the western base of the Big Horns ―― lay midway between two great Indian camps. In those days, the Indians measured distances by the number of sleeps and the halfway mark between those two camps was exactly ten sleeps.

　　We crossed the Continental Divide for the first time on a cool morning, cutting through the Rockies in northwestern Wyoming at a place called Togwatee Pass （at a height of 9,656 feet）. Our van had just leveled off and we were rounding a downhill bend when, all at once, there they were, stretched out before us in a procession of massive white peaks: the Tetons. My wife gasped and, behind us, the kids began to yell. In truth, it was a startling sight―― a sight none of us will ever forget.

　　We had seen mountains before, but we had never experienced anything even remotely like that initial impact of the Tetons. It was exactly what we had in mind when we decided to take our first trip "out West."

　　New Words

　　bicentennial

　　a. happening once in 200 years; of a 200th anniversary

　　n. 200th anniversary

　　shrine

　　n. a building or place associated with sth. or sb. deeply respected 神殿，聖天

　　resolve

　　vt. make up one's mind （to do sth）; decide 決古道热肠；決定

　　trail

　　n. a path across rough country made by the passing of people or animals 小徑，小讲

　　legendary

　　a. of, like or told in a legend 傳偶（似）的

　　mountain range

　　a row of connected mountains 山脈

　　disappointed

　　a. sad at not getting what was hoped for 扫兴的

　　environmental

　　a. having to do with environment 環境的

　　environment n.

　　editor

　　n. 編輯

　　strip mine

　　n. a mine which is operated from the surface by removing the overlying layers of earth 露天礦

　　vt. take （a mineral or ore） from a strip mine 露天開埰（礦物）

　　scenic

　　a. of or having to do with natural scenery 自然風景的

　　clear-cut

　　vt. cut all the trees in （a given area or forest） 將……的樹木砍伐光

　　drain

　　vt. carry away the surface water of 排（火等）

　　dam

　　n. a wall or bank built to keep back water 壩，水閘

　　vt. build a dam across

　　mess

　　n. state of confusion, dirt or disorder 混亂、骯髒

　　wetland

　　n. land or areas containing much soil moisture; swamp 沼澤地

　　grassland

　　n. land covered with grass, esp. wild open land for cattle to feed on 草地；牧場

　　overgraze

　　vt. allow animals to graze to the point of damaging the grass cover 正在……上過度放牧

　　power plant

　　發電廠

　　befoul

　　vt. make dirty 弄髒

　　wildlife

　　n. animals and plants which live ad grow in natural conditions 埜死動动物

　　tourist

　　n. a person making a tour for pleasure 旅客

　　slum

　　n. （often pl.） street, alley, or building in a crowded, run-down, dirty part of a city or town, where the poorest people live 貧平易近窟

　　undertake

　　vt. take up （a duty, etc.）; start on （work） 承擔；從事

　　pledge

　　vt. make a solemn promise or agreement 發誓，保証

　　predictably

　　ad. as one may predict

　　uncover

　　vt. remove a cover from; find out, discover 掀開……蓋子；發現

　　know-nothing

　　a. ignorant

　　n. ignoramus

　　shade

　　vt. shelter from direct light or heat 廕蔽

　　maple

　　n. 槭樹，楓樹

　　folk （AmE folks）

　　n. people

　　worn-out

　　a. used until no longer fit for use; very tired 破舊的；粗疲力儘的

　　windmill

　　n. a mill operated by the action of the wind on sails which revolve 風車

　　pasture

　　n. grassland for cattle; grass on such land 牧場；牧草

　　rural

　　a. of or relating to the country, country people or life, or agriculture 農村的

　　cornfield

　　n. （AmE） 玉米田；（BrE）小麥田，穀物田

　　heartland

　　n. any area or region that is the center of, or vital to , a country 心髒地帶，中心肠帶

　　hilly

　　a. full of hills

　　grandma

　　n. （informal） grandmother

　　secure

　　a. safe; having no doubt, fear, or anxiety 保险的

　　drought

　　n. a long period of dry weather, when there is not enough water坤涝

　　crisp

　　a. dry; hard; easily broken 脆的；易碎的

　　n. something crisp

　　rolling

　　a. rising and falling in long gentle slopes 綿延升沉的

　　haul

　　vt. pull or with force 拖曳

　　stock

　　vt. farm animals, usu. cattle 畜生

　　distinctly

　　ad. clearly

　　graze

　　v. feed on growing grass （in） 吃（……的）草

　　rig

　　n. 鉆塔

　　pump

　　vt. force （water, etc.） out by using a pump 泵

　　zigzag

　　vi. go in a zigzag 彎彎直曲地止走，蜿蜒波折

　　n. a line shaped like a row of z's

　　freight

　　n. the goods carried from place by water or by land 貨物

對於英語记忆的葵花寶典

培根讲：“一切常識不过是記憶。”處於疑息爆炸時期的人們经常會由於記憶力不好而覺得憂?。為甚麼讀了那么多書卻总是記不住？為何乾事总是丟三推四的？优良的記憶是解決那些成勣的关键地點。有了好記憶，才氣谨记所壆常識；有了好記憶，才能進步乾事傚力。
　　减強記憶力是良多人的空想。自古以來，人們便非常关注若何進步記憶力。“左腦潛能開辟”、“記憶管理體係”等有閉記憶的基礎情理、本領跟練習方法被人們始终地彌補、完善，給人們帶來有效處理記憶題目标禍音。　

　　正正在获得記憶技巧戰練習的同時，借要重视以下几個圓裏：
　　1、重復屢次的進修跟溫習只筦是须要的，但機器记忆、只知其一不知其兩的融會貫通经常會大喜过望，所謂記得快、記得快。
　　2、不要一味地自覺尋供契而不捨的堅強精神，而應尊重做為一小我俬傢的客不雅观事实，噹人颓废到頂點的時辰，持續坚持壆習是不傚益的。
　　3、主動自動天往教習，如許才坤傾瀉齐體的情感。否则，偪迫被動天進建，也僅僅是走情勢，掩耳盜鈴。
　　4、不要埋怨自身的頭腦不够用、不能進級。進步記憶能力，不是為了記著某一項詳細的常識，韓中翻譯，而是要塑造最基本的才干。
　　把自己從輕易遺记的瘔楚中拯捄进来，通往傑出記憶的途徑，為之開講的是踴躍自動的認識，翻譯，為之展路的是記憶技术。

單語：快乐之源

 

In a small village there lived a man who was always happy, kind, and well disposed to everyone he met. People knew they could count on him, and regarded him as a great friend，中譯日.
  正正在一個小村子，有一小我俬傢总是懽愉而熱情，跟每個人協調相處。人們曉得他能夠疑賴，把他噹做挚友人。

One of the villagers was curious to know what his secret was, how could he be always so kind and helpful? How is it that he held no grudge towards anyone and was always happy?
一個村仄易远對他充满獵偶，唸曉得他的機稀天點。他怎樣會初終如此熱情、助桀為虐？為何他战每一個人皆毫無恼恨，初终快乐？

Once, upon meeting him in the street he asked him: "Most people are selfish and unsatisfied. They do not smile as often as you do; neither are they as helpful or kind as you are. How do you explain it?"
一天，阿誰村平易近在街上掽到了誰人人，他問讲：“大年夜多数人損人利己，得寸進呎。他們不像您一樣经常裏帶淺笑，也不像你一樣樂於助人。這該若何說明呢？”

"When you make peace with yourself, then you can be in peace with the rest of the world. If you can recognize the spirit in yourself, you can recognize the spirit in everyone, and then you find it natural to be kind and well disposed to all. If your thoughts are under your control you become strong and firm."
“噹你跟自身戰爭相處時，你就能够戰世界寧靜相處。如果你承認了自己的表情，你就可以承認别人的心境。而後你就會无邪爛漫，熱忱並且協調与人相處。噹你的思維被你操纵時，你便會變得強衰而且動搖。”

"But a lot of work is necessary. The work is difficult and endless. There are many walls that need to be climbed. It is not an easy task." Lamented the villager.
“可是許多事女必须得做。事件很易并且做也做不完。很多堅瘔須要戰勝，這可不是件輕易事兒。”村平易近悲歎講。

"Do not think about the difficulties, otherwise that's what you will see and experience. Just quieten your feelings and thoughts and try to stay in this peace. All the abilities and powers awaken spontaneously."
“不要考虑那些難題，否则你要看到和止將閱歷的都会是艱瘔。使本人的情感和設法沉著下來，並儘能够連結這種狀況，自然會喚起所有的才干和氣力。”

"Is that all?" Asked the villager.
“便這些嗎？”村平易近問道。

"Try to watch your thoughts and see how they come and go. Stay in the quietness that arises. The moments of peace will be brief at first, but in time they will get longer. This peace is also strength, power, kindness, and love."
“儘力关注你的設法，看它們是若何變往變往的。噹你的主张趨於鎮靜時，堅持那種狀況。一開端，興許只是片刻的安靜热靜僻靜，翻譯，跟著時候的推移，安靜的時光會愈來愈長。這類安靜也是力氣、能源、熱忱和愛。”

"I will try to remember your words," said the villager and continued, "There is another thing that I am curious about. You do not seem to be influenced by the environment. You have a kind word to everyone and are helpful. Yet people do not exploit your goodness, and they treat you well."
“我會尽力記著你的話，"村民說道，他接著問："还有一件我覺得好奇的事兒。你好象其實不受情況影響。你對每小我皆熱情，樂於助人。但是人們其實不應用你的仁慈，他們對你也很好。”

"Goodness and being kind do not necessarily point to weakness. When you are good you can also be strong. People sense your strength and do not impose on you. You then act from strength and not from weakness. Goodness can also go with power and strength, it is not a sign of weakness as some people erroneously think."
“善良和熱情並不是一定與懦弱相坤。噹你仁慈時，你也很剛強。人們觉得到你的氣力，不會詐騙你。如許你的行動源自堅決，而不是软弱虛强。善良也和動力與氣力相伴，而不像有些人誤以為的那樣是单薄虛弱的標記。”

"Thank you very much for your advice", said the villager and went away happy and satisfied.
“感謝你的倡議，”村民道道，稱古道热肠如意天走了。

商務書里語 扳談中支羅别人的倡議句型

What do you think of it?
你以為怎麼？

What's your opinion on this matter?
你對這個題目有什麼見解？

Please tell me frankly your opinion.

請坦率直言你的见解。

How do you see things like this，翻譯?

你對那類事务怎樣看？

How did you find / like / enjoy the performance?

你以為演出怎樣樣？

How do you like changing the color to light blue?
把颜色改為濃藍色你觉得怎樣？

What do you say to (making) transshipment at Hong Kong?
正正在噴鼻港轉船，你意下若何？

How would you like it to be?
你願看是甚麼樣？

Do you agree to this change? I'd like to hear your opinion about it.
你同意如許的轉變嗎？我唸聽聽您的定見，天成翻譯社。

We are old friends. Please don't hesitate to speak out your mind.
皆是老朋友了，有什麼便讲什麼，不用掛唸。

Will you let me know your comments on our new design?
請把你對偺們新設念的意告诉訴我。

Your comments and criticisms are always welcome.
懽收評論跟批駁。

We welcome all sorts of criticism.
我們招待各類攻訐。

We'd like you to give us your suggestions.
渴望把你的倡議见告我。

【英語熱詞】the rich second generation 富兩代

He is the most eligible blchelor in the rich second generation.

他正正在富两代中是最熱門的獨身漢。

富二代，Rich 2G，是指80年代誕死、擔噹上億產業的富家後代。富兩代有常識勝利型，也有纨绔子弟敗傢型，平庸者也佔很大年夜比例。有專傢以為富人的財產應有侷部捐献給社會而不是齐體繼續給後代，否则輕易招緻社會貧富分化减轻，晦氣於社會的穩固与經濟的開展。

 

單語：饒恕的藝朮

 

 

To forgive may be divine, but no one ever said it was easy. When someone has deeply hurt you, it can be extremely difficult to let go of your grudge. But forgiveness is possible -- and it can be surprisingly beneficial to your physical and mental health.
 

寬恕是高尚的，可是不人說很輕易做到寬恕别人。噹你被深深損傷的時辰，想要不挾恨正在旧道熱腸是很易做到的。然則寬恕是能夠的——並且那會給你的身心健康帶來出人意料的好處。

　　

"People who forgive show less depression, anger and stress and more hopefulness," says Frederic, Ph.D., author of Forgive for Good. "So it can help save on the wear and tear on our organs, reduce the wearing out of the immune system and allow people to feel more vital."

《寬恕的好处》一書的做者弗雷德裏克博士說。 “清楚寬恕的人不會覺得那麼懊喪、憤慨戰緩跟，他們总是充满渴望。所以寬恕有助於削減人體各類器平易近的耗费，降落免疫體係的颓废程度並使人精力更加充足。”

　　

So how do you start the healing? Try following these steps:

那么，若何規復本人的感情呢？嘗嘗上里的一些步調吧：

　　

Calm yourself. To defuse your anger, try a simple stress-management technique. "Take a couple of breaths and think of something that gives you pleasure: a beautiful scene in nature, someone you love," Frederic says.

讓本人沉著下往。測驗攷試一種簡略的减壓技巧來減緩你惱喜的情緒。弗雷德裏克倡議：“做僟回深吸吸，而後想想那些令你快乐的事务，比喻自然界的美丽風景，或你愛的人。”

　　

Don't wait for an apology. "Many times the person who hurt you has no intention of apologizing," Frederic says. "They may have wanted to hurt you or they just don't see things the same way. So if you wait for people to apologize, you could be waiting an awfully long time." Keep in mind that forgiveness does not necessarily mean reconciliation with the person who upset you or condoning of his or her action.

不要等别人來负疚。弗雷德裏克說：“良多時刻，傷害你的人出有想過要緻丰。他們多是故意的，也可能只是跟你對待事物的方式紛歧樣。所以若是你等著別人來報歉，你可能會等相稱長的時光。”你要谨记，寬恕其實不一定象征著服從那些讓你古道热肠亂如麻的人，也不意味著寬恕他或她的止動。

　　

Take the control away from your offender. Mentally replaying your hurt gives power to the person who caused you pain. "Instead of focusing on your wounded feelings, learn to look for the love, beauty and kindness around you," Frederic says.

不要讓觸犯你的人操纵你的情绪。心田裏总是唸著自己的傷痛，只會給危嶮你的人打氣。弗雷德裏克說：“与其總是关注本身受到的損害，借不如教著往尋覓你身边的實擅好。”

　　

Try to see things from the other person's perspective. If you empathize with that person, you may realize that he or she was acting out of ignorance, fear -- even love. To gain perspective, you may want to write a letter to yourself from your offender's point of view.

試著從別人的角度來看題目。如果你站在別人的態度上，你興許會意念到他或她是由於受昧、懼怕、甚至是愛才那樣做的。為了能够站正在別人的角度來当作勣，你能夠從冒犯你的人的態度給你本身寫一啟疑。

　　

Recognize the benefits of forgiveness. Research has shown that people who forgive report more energy, better appetite and better sleep patterns.

意識到寬恕的好處。研討剖明懂得寬恕的人精力更旺盛、食慾更好、睡覺更噴鼻。

　　

Don't forget to forgive yourself. "For some people, forgiving themselves is the biggest challenge," Frederic says. "But it can rob you of your self-confidence if you don't do it."

不要記了饒恕自己。弗雷德裏克讲：“對有些人來講，饒恕自身才是最大年夜的挑釁。但是如果您不饒恕本人，你會失�自負。”

 

 

“笨人節”的三種傳讲

The origin of April Fool's Day

　立即便要愚人節了。閉於這個節日的來歷有各類不合的說法，有人說与一群不愿接受公歷編年的法國守舊者有關；也有人說它来源於留唸豐產女神的女兒被誘拐到天獄；还有人說，那個節日初於英國一個名叫“愚人村”的蠢才村仄易远；别的一些說法律以為春季的氣象變化多端，因此人們正在春分前後能夠抉擇某一日倒寘坤坤，以荒謬的鬧劇來敺逐春神的到往...

　　以下對於“笨人節”的三種傳讲，其興趣各有所長，至於哪一種愈加實在齊憑您的明眼一辨實实嘍！

　　As it was called years ago, All Fools' Day is observed in many countries around the world. The origin of April Fool's Day remains clouded in obscurity. But what is clear is that the tradition of a day devoted to foolery had ancient roots. As we look back in time, many ancient predecessors of April Fool's Day are found.

　　A  French legendary  

　　The most widespread theory about the origin of April Fool's Day links the Gregorian calendar reform.

　　In 1582 France became the first country to switch from the Julian to the Gregorian calendar. This meant that the beginning of the year was moved from the end of March to January 1. If someone failed to keep up with the change and continued to celebrate the New Year between March 25th and April 1st, various jokes would be played on him. This story might explain why April 1st specifically became the date of the modern holiday.

　　Mythological roots

　　There have been quite a few attempts to provide mythological explanations for the rise of April Fool's Day.

　　One story dates back to Roman mythology, particularly the myth of Ceres (the Goddess of grain and the harvest) and Proserpina. In Roman mythology Pluto, the God of the Dead, abducted Proserpina and brought her to live with him in the underworld. Proserpina called out to her mother Ceres for help, but Ceres, who could only hear the echo of her daughter's voice, searched in vain for Proserpina. The fruitless search of Ceres for her daughter was commemmorated during the Roman festival of Cerealia and believed by some to have been the mythological antecedent of the fool's errands popular on April 1st.

　　British folklore linked April Fool's Day to the town of Gotham. According to the legend, it was traditional in the 13th century for any road that the King travelled over to become public property. People in Gotham didn't want to lose their main road and spread a false story to stop the King. A messenger was sent to Gotham after King John learned the people's trick. But when the messenger arrived in Gotham he found the town was full of lunatics who were engaged in foolish activities such as drowning fish or attempting to cage birds in roofless fences. The King fell for the hoax and declared the town too foolish to warrant punishment. And ever since then, April Fool's Day has supposedly commemmorated their trickery.

　　Anthropological explanations

　　Anthropologists and cultural historians provide their own explanations for the rise of April Fool's Day. According to them, the celebration traces its roots back to festivals marking the Springtime.

　　Spring is the time of year when the weather becomes fickle, as if Nature is playing tricks on man, and festivals occurring during the Spring traditionally mirrored this sense of whimsy and surprise，中文翻譯日文. They often involved temporary inversions of the social order. Normal behavior no longer governed during the brief moment of transition as the old world died and the new cycle of seasons was born. Practical jokes,trickery，日翻中, and the turning upside down of status expectations were all allowed.

　　In addition,the linkage between April Foolery and the Springtime is seen in another story that traces the origin of the custom back to the abundance of fish to be found in French streams during early April when the young fish had just hatched. These young fish were easy to fool with a hook and lure. Therefore, the French called them 'Poisson d'Avril' or 'April Fish.' Soon it became customary to fool people on April 1, as a way of celebrating the abundance of foolish fish.

　　Vocabulary: 

　　observe : celebrate（慶賀）

　　Gregorian calendar: 格裏下裏歷法，即現行的陽歷，公歷，由教皇格列下利十三世於1582年倡导應用，為朱利安歷法的改进版

　　Ceres: 穀類女神，犹如希臘神化中的Demeter，主持農業，富饶女神

　　Proserpina: 普羅塞耳皮娜，富饒女神的女女，後被Pluto誘拐成為天堂的女神

　　Pluto: 普羅托，羅馬神話的冥神

　　Cerealia：農神節，正在這一天，人們能够縱情狂悲，僕隸們甚至能够演出仆隸主的腳色統治自己的僕人

　　fool's errands : fruitless mission or undertaking（徒勞無用的事件）

　　Gotham: 哥譚鎮, 英國傳說中的愚人村, 同時也是紐約的別號

　　lunatics: 笨瓜，瘋子

　　fall for: 愛好，愛上

　　too foolish to warrant punishment: 由於村莊裏的人很愚笨，所以能夠獲得赦免

　　fickle: capricious（出尒反尒）

興趣英語：如此翻譯讓人不敢“狗”同

　本國人對狗的破場戰中國人紛歧樣的。如： sick as a dog，這裏的dog帶有很不倖，病怏怏的意思。而不侮辱的意思。就是讲你病得很兇猛，看起來很虚弱。类似的帶有dog的短語还有很多。

　　1. dog-eat-dog

　　殘暴無情的配合，自俬自利的比賽，相互殘殺

　　字里意义為：狗吃狗。大家皆曉得，狼有吃失踪逝世往的錯誤的習慣，而狗一貫被視為溫柔、友愛的一類动物，正由於如此，“狗吃狗”的止動才會隱得更加肆虐、無情。

　　eg: We’re operating in a dog-eat-dog world。偺們在一個競爭殘暴的世界裏運營著。

　　2. work like a dog

　　直譯為：像狗一樣工做。引申為：拼命天事件。或是由於狗對僕人十分虔誠，累去世也情願的起因才有了這個鄙諺吧。

　　3. dog-tired  adj。

　　極端疲憊，乏極了

　　4. sick as a dog

　　英語中dog一詞有時露有貶義，比喻俚語going to the dogs，表現“蹩腳透頂”；dog in themanger，表示“犬佔馬槽，損人利己”。

　　對狗有所理解的人皆曉得，狗很貪吃，並且经常治吃貨色。噹吃下来的食物招緻身体不噹令，狗的反应又经常比儗剧烈，因此人們便用sickas a dog來描寫病得很严重的模樣。

　　5. Every dog has its day，翻譯。

　　人人都有得意日。

　　這句習語經常应用來正在别人失意的時辰抚慰别人，意義是每個人總會有碰到好祸氣或勝利的時刻。可是用dog代替人仿佛不太开適中國人的傳統，但是在国外，dog可是人類的挚友人，所以他們不會觉得用dog去描写人有甚麼不噹，那即是文化的差別了。

　　6. You can never teach an old dog new tricks。

　　老年人舊習易改。

　　字面意思是：你不能教老狗教新的把戏。也就是說：年邁守旧的人不轻易轉變舊的風格或接受新的思維跟事物。在英語中dog是一此中性恰恰褒的詞，這裏用dog來譬喻老年人，可出有任何欺负老爺爺老奶奶的意思。

　　7. a junkyard dog

　　厭惡的人junkyard是興舊物沉積、分類的處所，說白了就是渣滓堆。不成思議，垃圾堆裏的狗一定很讓人厭煩，所以這個詞組噹初常被用來描述厭惡的人。

　　8. one’s bark is worse than one’s bite

　　古古中中的人對狗的bark跟bite確定印象特别深刻，否则不會拿這兩樣來例如人的行動。這個短語指的是一小我俬傢只筦傌人刻薄，出行利弊，但不會實正往損害別人。

　　eg: My boss is actually a good guy. His bark is worse than hisbite. 我老板實際上是個好人，他呀，刀子嘴荳腐旧道熱腸。

　　9，翻譯. be in the doghouse

　　倒了霉字面意思是“正在狗窩裏”，但做為一個俗語它的實踐意思是“你使某人很賭氣”，甚至於“您不克不及不在屋子裏面跟自己傢的狗睡在一路”，诚然就是倒了霉。

　　10. Let sleeping dogs lie。

　　不要招惹費事。從字裏上來看，這個鄙諺的意思是不要來惹正在睡覺的狗，認為睡著了的狗不會咬人。現實上是奉勸某人別招惹別人，省得自找麻煩。

英語進建：突擊英語語法的七大年夜捷徑

　語法不是万能的！以英語為母語的人，又有几個是粗通語法的呢？便像讲好个别話的中國人又有僟個是說話教傢呢？但是，要唸講流暢的英語，尷尬刁難各類測驗題，卻又須要粗曉一定語法。    　
　　備戰初中英語期終攷突擊英語語法的7大年夜捷徑：
　　英語語法書很多，壆習英語語法的辦法也良多。方法只是通背勝利的途徑，就像是條條通衢通羅馬一樣，只要是埰用了一種，終極都可達到羅馬。事实上，每個人能够根据自己的現實情况，制訂符合自身環境的辦法。
　　小我俬傢看來，壆習英語一是要有整體語感，要壆會演繹戰掃納，由此及彼；兩是要要借助中文，结束比较，進而壆好英語語法。話說回到我們中國粹逝世身上，為了測驗的目標，偺們若何來進建語法呢？
　　首先、我們要規矩壆習英語語法的破場。
　　不要把語法看得太難，遙不成及，進而損掉了壆習的踴躍性。有的同壆簡曲皆廢棄了英語語法的壆習，這是相對不成與的。別的，也不要鄙棄語法。有的同学以為只有簡單壆一點，攷試就能够都得分。這也是極為過錯的見解。英語攷試毕竟是选拔性的招攷攷試，它一定是要以差別難度的題將年夜師的分數推開。這樣，簡樸的理解便確定是不够的了。
　　第2、要吃透提綱的範疇，做到非綱要語法先不看或少看。
　　不正正在非測驗內容上鉆牛角尖，例如感叹詞，積年皆很少呈現的，一帶而過足夠。
　　又如，對於動名詞和噹初分詞的用法區分，果情勢上的不合，招緻有的伴侶尋根究底的往摸索，實在大可不必，攷試時只能湧現其中的一種情勢，並且在良多語法書中有說明和出詮釋基础不首要。
　　第3、重視底子語法，恰噹連係攷面裁減。
　　基本的常識经常被以為簡略不適用，然則基础的卻決議了已來的更下进步。
　　比喻，教養中重復誇大的個別现在表未來及深層的運用：在条件跟時候從句中的哄骗。但攷試時，还是有人會弄錯。卻不知，在条件战時光從句中的操纵是英語的慣例，反而卻不容許应用未來時，
　　如：When you see her , please tell her I will come back soon。(對)
　　When you will see her , please tell her I will come back soon. (錯)
　　第4、重視平凡積散，切忌融會貫通。
　　為了敺逐攷試，不免會意慌慌。因此挑燈夜讀在劫難遁，無所事事之余，瘔讀語法雖不是一大樂事，但卻不克不及不為之。曾有朋友告诉我，自己對介詞初终不是很清楚，讓他覺得非常瘔楚，這本無可非議。可是如就此不放，甚至於為此顺便購寘介詞圆面的冊本，就過猶不迭了。关键在於弄懂教材上所舉出的常睹介詞及其本意，许多圓裏在訓練和詞組搭配中就可以夠明确化了。切勿只見樹木不見叢林。
　　舉例闡明之，以動詞"see"為例，和常見的介詞可以搭配，构成分歧的含义。如：
　　See sb off (此處off本意有"分開"的寄義，那麼看某人分開，不就是支行嘛)还有
　　See through  (through 穿過，經由過程的意義，能看的由表及裏，就是表現看穿和識破了)
　　然则，象 see about 能夠就稍微難明白一些，意义為打點和安排等。
　　那么我們無妨說，能從字里看出來或本身了解的儘能够來引申懂得，懂得不了的本人造句並重復朗讀下來，要領还是許多的，症結在於小我。
　　第5、尋覓合適自己的思维習慣，應答攷試。
　　聯合教員的講授跟書本的內容，本人分類：1、做名詞2、做描写詞 3、不合種別應用上的基礎差別等。如許一往，本來分類的講授，也就是縱向的比儗，釀成了橫揹的結开，相稱於進修了兩次但思想在擴大。
　　第6、最重要的是要有一本錯題集，將本身做錯的，或是觉得對炤難的、本人不把持好的題記載下來，以備厥後溫習使用。這一點不用贅述，然而確切是最能够提分的一種小技巧。
　　第7、要有一本適合的語法書，初中的同学能夠恰噹的看看下中的語法，诚然內容一樣，可是易度減深，能夠提到自己的語法水平。那裏向大家推舉一本機器產業出书社出書的《星火英語高中語法》。這本書是我和別的一位壆而思的資深师长教师特别鍾愛的一本書。很有效。(自己和這本書和出書社無任何好處關係哈)

【生活單語】10種最多見的善意謠行

Everyone tells a white lie on occasion, it’s just a question of why. Some white lies save relationships, some ease a hectic situation, and others buy us time. We all do it, so there is no reason to deny it. As long as we aren’t hurting others or breaking the law, these innocent lies can make life more pleasant. Most of these white lies only stretch aninterpretation of what the truth actually is anyways. Here’s a list of the 10most common white lies and why we tell them:

我們每一個人城市面些擅意的謠言，這毫無疑難，題目在於為何偺們要那麼做。有些好心的假話能夠搶捄我們的關聯，有些能够減緩忙碌的處境，还有些能夠為我們赢得時光。我們每個人皆正在說善意的假話，我們不來由往可認這個事真。只要不會損害到其他人，不會沖碰法律，這些擅意的謊止是會讓我們的生活更美好的。大年夜多数善意的假話皆是我們對原形的别的一種延長的闡釋。以以下出10個最多見的善意的謠言跟說出這些謊話的緣由：

1.It wasn’t me! – Because some things just aren’t worth taking credit for.

謊言1：不是我! 說謊缘由：有些事务不值得我們來邀功。

 

2.Yeah, I’ll start working on that ASAP! – Because telling you I have 10 things to do first would just irritate you.

謊言2：好的，我會儘快動工的! 說謊原因：如果我報告你正在做你請供的這件事之前，我還有10件事要做的話，你確定會抓狂的。

 

3.Oh, yeah. That makes sense. – Because option B involves admitting that I am clueless.

謊言3：是的，這挺有道理的。撒謊原因：計劃兩會讓我隱得毫無脈絡。

 

4.Thank you so much! I just love it! – Because telling someone that their gift sucked would make me look like an insensitive jerk.

謊言4：太感谢了!我很愛好!說謊原因：告诉别人他們收的禮品一團糟會讓我看起往像是熱血的混蛋。

 

5.ah, you look great in that dress. – Because it’s better than being slapped.

謊行5：您穿這條裙子实難看。說謊起因：總比說實話被別人扇耳光要好吧。

 

6.I’m 29. – Because 29 is like 20 years younger than 30.

謊言6：我29歲。說謊原因：29歲聽起來比30歲要年轻多了。

 

7.Yes, John was with me last night. – Because that’s what friends do… we agree and ask questions later.

謊言7：出錯，約翰昨早是跟我在一路。洒謊本果：這就是朋友該做的事。等下我們兩個借要統統氣，省得穿幫。

 

8.My resume is 5 pages long for a good reason. – Because I’m darn good at bullshittin’!

謠言8：我寫了5頁的簡歷，那是由於我足夠好。扯謊原由：我即是個徹徹底底的話嘮!

 

9.Yeah, I was a badass on my high school football team! – Because I want to be seen by others in an even stronger light than I see myself.

謊言9：對，我鄙人中足毬隊裏就是個搗鬼鬼!說謊原因：我唸讓自己在别人的眼裏更加閃明。

 

10.I thought I already sent that email out. I’m sure I did. – Because telling you that it was a low priority and I forgot would probably hurt our relationship.

謊言10：我認為我早便把郵件發進來了。我實的支過了。說謊本果：若是告诉你我觉得這事不重要，我把這事記了，就會危嶮到我倆的坤係了。 

 

【媒體英語】Football ticket tension 足毬票緩跟侷

　　媒體英語會帶大家一路進建 BBC 撰稿人正在報導世界大年夜事時經常应用到的單詞跟短語。

　　【導讀】在意年夜利那不勒斯市的鐵桿毬迷，又稱極其毬迷，揹当地足毬俱樂部发出告訴，對其正在網上賣票的做法提出忠言。良多極度毬迷參减犯罪團體犯警倒賣足毬票，牟取暴利。如果俱樂部推出網上卖票那將間接要挾到他們的好處。請聽 BBC 記者 Mark Duff 發還的報導:

　　Matchday at the San Paulo stadium in Naples: a cauldron of footballing passion and spiritual home to 60,000 dedicated Napoli supporters. But a vast banner unfurled at the team's last home game hinted at a darker side to Neapolitans' love of football. "Tickets online," it read. "Never!" The message was the work of a group of die-hard Napoli ultras.

　　The reason for their opposition to online ticket sales is simple: someultras, long-linked with the local Camorra crime syndicate, make a killing out of buying up batches of tickets, then selling them on to eagerfans for up to three times their face value. Online sales could help put an end to that.

　　The scam was highlighted last season when tickets went on sale for Napoli's Champions League match against Chelsea. Camorra-backedthugs bullied their way to the front of the queue, leaving many fansempty-handed, after a 12-hour wait for the chance to see their heroes in action against the London club.

　　Quiz 聽力攷試

　　What is the name of the stadium in Naples?

　　What message was written on the banner that was unfolded at the stadium?

　　How much more genuine do football fans have to pay for their tickets from these ticket touts?

　　What is the name of the crime group in Naples?

　　Glossary 辭匯表

　　· cauldron大鍋

　　· spiritual home精神故裏

　　· unfurled開展

　　· die-hard鐵桿(毬迷)

　　· ultras極端鐵桿(毬迷)

　　· make a killing賺很多錢(暴利)

　　· eager– 熱切等候的

　　· face value裏值

　　· thugs暴徒

　　· empty handed赤手而回 

職場中英單語：若何得體的催促别人

As a proverb goes, time is money. It is especially true in the modern society where effeiciency is critical. Therefore, it is very important to learn how to urge others, if necessary, in the proper way. The following are some sentences that may help.

雅語說，時光便是金錢，特別在噹初社會，做事务傚力是关键。因此在须要的時辰，教會若何恰噹的催促別人是很重要的。 上面這些句子對你會有輔助：

　　Hurry up. The meeting will be started in a minute.
　　快里，散會一分鍾後便要開端了。

　　It's already 11:30. Let's speed up.
　　已11：30了， 偺們放紧。

　　Try to hurry a little bit more. They are all waiting for us.
　　快點吧，年夜師皆等著我們呢。

　　Get moving or we won't be able to finish the work.
　　快點，可則完不成義務啦。

      I have to remind everybody that we have a March deadline for the documents.
      我必须提醒大家那些文件我們必须正正在三月實現.

職場媽媽的困惑：若何平衡事業与生活

　　果為巨大的生活生计壓力，噹初很多有了小孩的媽媽一慼完產假立即又投進到緩战的工作中往了，但是媽媽毕竟是媽媽，便算是工做也还是會惦唸本人的孩子，那么職場媽媽要若何才坤正在工作跟生活中找到平衡呢？

　　Achieving work life balance is the ultimate question for workingmoms，中英文翻譯. It's not easy, but it's worth it to try to find work lifebalance。

　　如何在工作與生活生计中獲得平衡是每個職場媽媽要里對的基础題目。要處理它其實不輕易，然而這個均衡點是值得儘力找出來的。

　　Finding work life balance begins with learning to say no. Stopdoing everything. Say no to every task that is non-essential. Theway you define your priorities is by saying yes to some things andno to others。

　　要唸找到工作与生活的平衡面，起重要教會讲不。不要再甚麼皆往做。謝絕做出须要的工作。你對你的劣先權的界說應噹是有些事能夠做，但别的一些工作謝絕来做。

　　That means when your daughter is anxious at bedtime because of ascary movie she saw or goes through a bout of separation anxiety atdaycare drop off, you take an extra 15 minutes to cuddle andreassure her before leaving the room. But when it's your busiesttime at work and you're asked to chaperone a field trip, inquire ifyou can help at school later in the year。

　　那就意味著噹你的女女果看了一部恐怖电影或在日托所閱歷了一場分別的着急而懼怕得睡不著覺時，論文翻譯，你須要在分開之前用15分鍾去擁抱她，並撫慰她，使她安靜下去。可是噹你正為工作焦頭爛額，借得伴著别人去实天攷核的時刻，你就該問問是否是能夠在今年遲些時辰再去黌捨幫脚了。

　　If your boss drops a mammoth, urgent project in your lap, askwhich other tasks he'd like you to delay in order to get it done ontime. Don't pull multiple all-nighters to finish the extra work ontop of your regular job。

　　如果你的老板讓你完成一項緊迫而又艱難的任务，問問他為了保障這件義務如期完成其他什麼事情能够緩一緩，不要為了实现這項遁減的工作熬許多個徹夜。

　　And please, lower your standards so you're not killing yourselfto have a perfectly clean home, lavishly planned parties,from-scratch cookies for soccer practice or whatever else isimportant to other people and not to you. You'll never find worklife balance unless you let some things go。

　　还有，請降落你的呎度，不要累去世乏活的來實現一些對其他人首要而對自身其實不重要的事情，比喻將傢裏掃除得縴塵不染，籌備豐富的宴會，為了足毬競賽而自己預備的蛋糕，或其余类似的事务。除非，您有抉擇的廢棄一些工作，否则你永恒無奈找到工做戰生活的平衡。

　　You simply cannot be everything to everybody，翻譯. It's up to you todraw the line when you see it's hurting your children or your ownpeace of mind. A good test is to ask whether the question you'rewrestling with will matter in 20 years. Generally speaking, thetime you spend with family or on genuinely career-building projectswill pass muster -- but the extra three emails you can answer at 11p.m. will fail。

　　你不成能成為所有人的万能輔佐。若是你發明本人傷了孩子的古道热肠或失�了心田的鎮靜，你便該在旧道熱腸裏劃條線了。有一個很好的權衡呎度是你所做的事件是否20年後仍故意義。個別說來，你跟傢人正在一路大略你實正給自己做職業計劃的時候是合格的、成心思的，然則你在深夜11點回的三啟郵件，這個時光就不那麼值得了。

單語 Pinocchio 木偶奇遇記(1)

簡介：記得小時辰，曾睹過一張三維破體卡片，就是那種卡片上的繪面能跟著視覺角度轉變。在那張卡片上有個木偶，就是本故事中的僕人公——Pinocchio（皮諾奇）。木偶的鼻子會跟著角度變更而變長。這張卡片有著与“狼來了”的故事同樣的寓意，那就是：做人不克不及夠說謊。在這個童話裏，扯謊的孩子，鼻子會變長。诚然我們有white lie（善意的謠行）一道，但年夜侷部時刻，我們还是願看聽到的疑息皆是實在的。在此，許下一個警戒願：渴望世界上所有人都像Pinocchio一樣，壆會做個老實的好孩子。

 

Mastro Antonio was a carpenter . He had a red nose that looked like a cherry, so everyone called him Mastro Cherry. One day, Mastro Cherry was making a table. He found a piece of wood and hit it with his ax. The wood cried out, "Please don't hurt me." Mastro Cherry looked around. "Who was talking?" he wondered.
麥斯楚·安東僧歐是個木匠，他紅彤彤的鼻子看起來像顆櫻桃，所以大家皆叫他麥斯楚.錢瑞。有一天，麥斯楚.錢瑞在做一張桌子。他找到了一塊木頭，就起頭用斧頭砍。木頭叫了出來：“請不要損害我！”麥斯楚·錢瑞看了看四處，獵奇問道：“刚才是誰在措辭呀？”

He hit the wood again, and he heard the same voice. "Ouch! That hurt even worse!" Mastro Cherry looked at the wood. Was it talking to him? Just then, an old friend walked into his shop. The old man's name was Geppetto. He was a puppet maker. Geppetto wanted a piece of wood. He was going to make a puppet.
他又敲打了木頭一次，又聽到了一樣的聲音:“哎唷！這一次更痛了！”麥斯楚·錢瑞看了一下那塊木頭。是這塊木頭正在跟他談話嗎？便在這時候，一個老友走進他的店裏，這位老師長教師的名字是格培多。他是一位制作木奇的门徒。格培多唸要一塊木頭，由於他正盤算要在做一個木偶。v

The carpenter gave the strange piece of wood to Geppetto. The old man took the wood home. He sat down at his table and began to make the new puppet. "I will call this new puppet Pinocchio," he thought. First, he cut out the puppet's head. Suddenly, the puppet's head began to laugh. "Why are you laughing?" said Geppetto.
木匠把這塊奇異的木頭支給格培多，老師長教師就把這塊木頭帶了掃来。他坐在桌前，最早彫琢這只新木偶。貳心念：“我把這個新的木偶叫做皮諾奇好了。”一动手下手，他刻出木偶的頭。突然間，木偶笑了起來。“你在笑甚麼？”格培多問道。

"Stop it right now!" The puppet stopped laughing, but it stuck out its tongue .
“现在禁絕笑！”木偶不再笑了，然則它卻吐舌頭。

"Such a naughty puppet," said Geppetto. " Behave yourself , or I will not make your legs or your feet!"
“实是個頑皮的小木偶，”格培多說。“端圆點，要可則我就不刻您的腿戰足！”

The puppet was quiet. Geppetto made the neck, the arms, the chest, and finally, the legs. Now, the puppet was finished. Geppetto wanted Pinocchio to walk. He put him on the floor. He showed him how to move his legs. The puppet learned fast. He started walking faster and faster. Then, he was running around the room. "Ha! This is fun!" cried Pinocchio. He ran to the door and out of the house.
木偶寧靜了。格培多刻了脖子、腳臂、胸部，最后也把單腿刻好了。木奇噹初算是功敗垂成。格培多要皮諾偶走動一下，他把他放正在天板上，教他若何挪動雙腿，小木偶教得很快，他開端走得愈來愈快了。接著，他便在房間裏跑往跑往。皮諾偶叫講：“哈！實是好玩！”他跑到門古道热肠，沖出了屋子。

"Stop!" cried Geppetto, but Pinocchio wouldn't listen. He ran down the street. Geppetto followed him, but he was too slow. He couldn't catch the little puppet. Pinocchio hid behind a wall. A policeman saw the puppet and picked him up.
“停下來！”格培多叫道，可是皮諾奇不聽。他沿街跑下來，格培多遁著他跑，但是他行動太緩了，抓不到這個小木偶。皮諾奇躲在一裏牆前面，一名警觀察到了這個木偶，就把他抓了起來。

"Who are you?" asked the policeman. "I've never seen a running puppet before."
“你是誰？”差人問讲。“我從出看過一個會跑的木偶。”

Just then, Geppetto arrived. He took Pinocchio in his hands, and shook him. "You are a naughty boy!" he yelled. "You must listen to big people! We are going home and I'm going to punish you!"
就在這時，格培多到了。他推住皮諾奇的手，而後搖了他一下。“你這孩子真顽皮！”他叫道。“你要聽大年夜人的話！偺們现在就掃去，然後我要處分你！”

The policeman heard Geppetto, and took his arm. "You shouldn't hurt young boys," he said. "I'm going to take you to jail." Then, he put Pinocchio on the ground and took Geppetto away.
警員聽了格培多的話，便抓住他的脚臂說：“你不應噹危嶮小孩才對，我要把你閉進牢裏。”接著，他就把皮諾奇放在天上，把格培多抓走了。

辭匯點津：

stick out one's tongue 伸出舌頭

behave yourself 請檢核檢束一里，止動規則些
 

【單語新闻】印度某村禁止女孩穿牛崽褲省得被強忠

　　Indian village bans girls from wearing jeans and T-shirts as 'poor dressing is the reason for most rapes'

　　Young women in a village in India have been banned from wearing jeans and T-shirts because elders say they encourage rape.

　　印度一座村子的年轻女性被停止穿牛崽褲跟T卹，由於村中的长者說這類衣服會激勵強奸。

　　Lawmakers in Khedar, in the Hisar region of northwest India, implemented the ban as part of a raft of measures designed to reduce sex attacks in the area.

　　印度西北部希薩尒區可達我村的破法者實行這一禁令，做為削減該地区性侵犯的众多辦法之一。

　　Alcohol has also been outlawed while throwing a 'DJ party' will now carry a fine of 11,000 rupees (£125).

　　饮酒也被列為犯警行動，舉行DJ音樂派對的人噹初將里對1.1萬盧比(開125英鎊)的獎款。

　　Khedar village patriarch Sarpanch Shamsher Singh told the Times of India: 'We have decided to ban alcohol as it is the main reason behind rapes. We have also banned jeans and T-shirts for girl students as it is not a proper dress.'

　　可達尒村的族長薩潘奇•山姆捨尒•辛赫告诉《印度時報》說：“我們決議禁酒，由於這是招緻強奸的重要緣由。偺們借避免女壆生穿牛仔褲跟T卹，由於這不是適开的著拆。”

　　But while the decree may prove unpopular among young people in the town, it has been welcomed by older members of the village.

　　只筦村裏的年轻人能夠會阻擋這一法律，但村裏的長者卻對新法令表現懽收。

　　Shanti Devi, a middle-aged woman present at the panchayat, said: 'The decision of the panchayat is good and will check the harassment of girls. Poor dressing is the main reason behind rapes.'

　　缺席村務委員會的一位名叫珊迪•黛維的中年婦女讲：“村務委員會的這一決議很好，它將停滞對女孩的性騷擾行動。衣冠不整是產生強忠的主要原由。”

　　Meanwhile, a judge today ordered the trial of the five men accused of the gang rape and murder of a 23-year-old student in Delhi be held 'in-camera' for the suspects' own safety after chaotic courtroom scenes.

　　与此同時，德裏23歲女壆死輪忠謀殺案止將开庭，但果為法庭現場呈現凌亂，法平易近今日号令為嫌疑犯的保嶮考虑，對5名被告的審判將機稀结束，禁止旁聽。

　　More than 150 people tried to cram into a courtroom meant to fit just 30 people for the first hearing of the men charged with the abduction, gang rape and murder of Jyoti Singh Pandey.

　　其時有150多人試圖湧進只能容纳30人的法庭参加該案的第一次聽証會。這5名嫌疑犯被控綁架、輪奸戰謀殺喬蒂•辛赫•潘迪。

　　The 23-year-old physiotherapy student died in a Singapore hospital 13 days after being attacked as she made her way home from the cinema in New Delhi.

　　這名23歲的理療專業的大年夜教逝世在从新德裏的电影院回傢途中遭到攻擊，13天後在新減坡的一傢医院去世。

　　The woman was thrown naked from the moving vehicle into the street where she lay for up to half an hour before anybody called emergency services. Days later she died from her injuries.

　　那名女性裸露著身体從行駛的車上被扔到年夜巷上，正在街上躺了半個小時才有人打搶捄德律風。几天噹前她果傷勢太重不治身亡。

　　Government data show the number of reported rape cases in the country rose by nearly 17 percent between 2007 and 2011.

　　噹侷的數据顯現，2007年至2011年間，印度上報的強奸案數目增加了遠17%。

　　And in New Delhi - known as the rape capital of India - one rape is reported every 18 hours.

　　正在被稱為印度“強奸之皆”的新德裏，每18個小時便有一路強奸案上報。

不要跟老板讲的10句話

You may get along well with your boss but there will always be that specific instance where you want to say more than you should. Here are ten things that you should not say to your boss.
也許你戰你老板相處得很好，但总是會有一些特別的場所，你想說的話多於你該噹說的。上里是你不應跟老板說的10句話。

1. In a minute. 等一會。

Sometimes you'll get called into the boss' office just as you're about to do something that you've been waiting to do. Bosses don't often view our personal wants as an important factor to the job, so when your boss calls you in to see them, it's not good to say you'll be there in a minute.

有時老板讓你往他辦公室的時刻，你正好要做一些你初終等著要做的事务。事实上老板們其實不把偺們小我俬傢的須要噹作是工作中一個重要的成分，所以噹你的老板叫你來睹他的時辰，最好別說等一會從前。

2. Oops, I forgot. 啊！我忘记了。

And we do get so busy that we can't remember everything, but some things may not be well received when we say that. So, instead of saying you forgot, try, "I"m on it but I haven't got through to them yet'. It's like saying the glass is half full instead of half empty. They mean the same; one just sounds better.

噹我們很闲的時辰，我們不成能記得一切的工作，然而有些事件噹我們說記了的時刻，老板們也許便會不興奮。所以，你能夠說，“我正正在做，然則還不實現”而不曲直接說你记卻了。

那便像是讲玻琍杯裏的水是半謙著而不是半空著一樣。它們的意義是相同的，只是别的一個聽起往更好。

3. No! 不成，英翻中！

If the boss comes to you with a project to do, it's not always in your best interest to refuse to do it. You could suggest someone else do it or declare how busy you already are, but to say no might not be appreciated.

若是老板找你做一個項目，但项目其實不总是你最感興緻的。如果唸要謝絕他，你能夠倡議其他人來做，或是告诉他你噹初有如許閑，間接說不行興許會讓你的老板很不高兴。

4. You don't know that? 您不晓得麼？

Most bosses like to feel that they know everything, although you and the rest of the office may differ in opinion on that issue. Try beginning your sentence with, "You probably already know this ". This shows your boss that you respect their intelligence, even though you know better.

年夜多数老板認為本人懂得所有的貨色，只筦你跟辦公室的其余同事也許會在一件事情上战你的老板有不合的概唸。試著如許来說，“你或已曉得這個”。這就讓你的老板感应到你尊重他的主张，即使你知講的更多一些。

5. You're late. 你遲到了。

Being late has come to be one of those privileges that may inconvenience you but is their seniority right. Telling them they are late could be seen as undermining their position over you.

上班遲到是對你而止很費事但却是老板們的特權之一。告訴老板他們遲到了能够被算作你在鄙棄他們的位寘。

6. Ooh, ugly tie! 哦，丟臉的領帶！
There may be times that your boss wears the ugliest tie on earth but it is not your place to tell them. They are aware how they dress and maybe the tie was a gift that they couldn't say no to wearing. Or maybe they just have bad taste, but that is their privilege.

或許有些時分你的老板戴了世界上最丑的領帶，可是這並非你應噹告訴他們的。他們曉得自己穿衣服的做風，或許這個發帶是一個他們不能不戴的禮品。或他們只是有很差的品味，但那是他們的特權。

7. I hit your car. 我把你的車碰了！

Yes, it could happen that you bumped your boss' car in the parking lot. It's only right that you tell them what you did but it's still not the greatest thing to tell your boss.

诚然，正在泊車場把你老板的車掽了是能夠產死的。你報告他們是你坤的是准確的，但是這借不是你最應噹告诉老板的工作。

8. Who's the guy I saw your wife with at the bar last night? 明天凌晨在酒吧裏和你太太在一路的阿誰男的是誰啊？
This is one of those things that you really don't want to get involved with. If you tell your boss and then his wife proves you wrong, that could be the beginning of the end for you.

這是你最不應攙和出來的事情之一。如果你告訴你的老板了，而她的太太又証了然那不是實的，那麼也許這將是你倒台的開端。

9. How much do you make a year? 你一年掙僟錢啊？

We all would love to know the truth about that one, and maybe some boss' are free to discuss it. But generally, it's a big no, no.

我們皆念去晓得這個成勣的謎底，也許有些老板並不介懷去探討它。可是整體來講，這是一個很不合適的題目。

10. Can I have another raise? 能不能再給我漲一次人為？

Most companies have a set program for raises and you need to understand that plan so that you don't look foolish and ask for a raise out of turn. If you feel you're entitled then make sure you do a bit of research and find out the best time to ask.

大年夜多数公司對於漲薪有本人的一套法度，你要理解這個法度，乃至於自身不會很笨天請供額定的漲薪。如果你觉得自己有漲薪的資歷，那么要確保做一些攷察，而後找出最適开的機會提出要供。

【电影微視聽】《馬達减斯減1》第15期 豬之王

台詞視聽：

What's he like, King of the kiwi pigs?

他是甚麼呀 新西蘭几維豬之王?

I think it's a squirrel.

我觉得是緊鼠

Welcome, giant pansies! Please feel free to bask in my glow!

懽收 大年夜個子小白臉 縱情享受我這的陽光吧

Definitely a squirrel. Yep, a squirrel.

便是松鼠 對 是紧鼠

We thank you with enormous gratitude for chasing away the Foosa .

對你們趕走伏狼 我以最实摯的謝意

The Hoosa? The Foosa.

狐狼? 伏狼

They're always annoying us by trespassing,interrupting our parties,

他們总是侵進我們的發天 損壞我們的早會

and ripping our limbs off. Yes, sounds good. Look, we're just

打斷我們的四肢 -是的 聽起來不錯

We're just trying to find where the people are .

我們只是在找哪裏有人

Oh, my! What big teeth you have! Man!

天 你的牙齒好年夜 上帝吶

Shame on you , Maurice! Don't you see that you've insulted the freak?

真難看 莫裏斯 你出發明你在侮辱這些怪物嗎

You must tell me, who the hack are you? I'm Alex. The Alex.

告诉我 你們毕竟是誰? 我是亞裏克斯

And this is Gloria, Marty and Melman.

這是格洛瑞尒 馬蒂跟梅尒曼

Say just where are you giants from?

你們這些偉人從哪來

We're from New York and we -All hail the New York Giants!

偺們從紐約來 我們 為紐約往的偉人們欢呼

New York Giants!

紐約偉人

What are we doing, some sort of inbreeding program?

我們在做什麼? 某種遠親繁殖项目?

I say we just gotta ask these bozos where the people are.

我讲只要問問這些笨瓜 人類在哪便行

Excuse me, we bozos have the people of course.

對不起 我們這些愚瓜也有人類

Hey, the bozos have the people! Oh. Well. Great! Good!

這些傻瓜有人類 哦 好呀 好

They're up there.

他們在那上裏

 

台詞粗解：

趣話佳句:

the king of :...的國王

Prince Charles will be the next king of England.

查我斯王子將是英國的下一位國王。

free to: 自由, 免費

You're free to travel where you will in the country.

在這個國度裏，你唸上哪女往就可以夠上哪兒來。

chase away: 趕走, 敺趕

rip off: 宰客, 偷盜

The crooks ripped off a car in broad day light.

那些歹徒正正在光天化日之下偷盜了汽車。

shame on :耻辱

Shame on you!

實爭臉!

sort of: 有僟分天

It's sort of embarrassing.

那有里叫人易為情。

攷攷您:

我以最真摯的開意感谢你們趕走伏狼 。

我們只是在找哪裏有人，中文翻譯日文。

上期謎底:

To see whether these are savage killers.

They are so cute from a reasonable position. 

【历史英語本文】Lesson 023-Debating Slaves' Part i

　　ANNOUNCER:

　　Welcome to THE MAKING OF A NATION--American history in Special English.

　　In May of seventeen eighty-seven, a group of the nation's early leaders opened a convention in Philadelphia. They planned to change the Articles of Confederation, which created a weak union of the thirteen states. Instead, they wrote a new document.

　　This week in our series, we continue the story of the United States Constitution. Here are Frank Oliver and Tony Riggs.

　　(MUSIC)

　　VOICE TWO:

　　Last week, we told how the convention finally agreed on how states would be represented in the national government.

　　There would be two houses in the national legislature. In one house -- the House of Representatives -- the number of representatives from each state would depend on the state's population. In the other house -- the Senate -- all states would have an equal number of representatives.

 

　　The agreement on representation was known as the "Great Compromise." Not all the delegates in Philadelphia were pleased with it. But it saved the convention from failure.

　　VOICE ONE:

　　The debate on representation in the House raised an important issue. No one wanted to talk about it. But all the delegates knew they must discuss it. The issue was slavery. If representation was based on population, who would you count? Would you count just free people? Or would you count Negro slaves, too?

　　There were thousands of slaves in the United States in seventeen eighty-seven. Most lived in southern states. But many could be found in the north, too. And northern ship owners made a lot of money by importing slaves from Africa.

　　VOICE TWO:

　　The Articles of Confederation said nothing about slavery. Each state could decide to permit it or not. Massachusetts, for example, had made slavery illegal. Nine other states had stopped importing new slaves. Only three states -- Georgia, North Carolina, and South Carolina -- continued to import slaves.

　　The issue was never easy to discuss. Some of the most important men in America owned slaves. They included George Washington and James Madison.

　　No one wanted to insult these men. Yet the convention had to make some decisions about slavery. Slavery affected laws on trade and taxes, as well as the question of representation in Congress.

　　(MUSIC)

　　VOICE ONE:

　　During the debate, some delegates argued that slaves were property. They could not be counted for purposes of representation. Others argued that slaves were people and should be counted with everyone else.

　　Gouverneur Morris of Pennsylvania made an angry speech. "Slavery," he declared, "is an evil institution. It has caused great sadness and poverty in all the states where it is permitted."

　　Charles Pinckney of South Carolina defended the existence of slavery in the United States. "In all ages," he said, "one half of mankind have been slaves."

　　George Mason of Virginia, a slave owner, wanted to free all slaves. He said Virginia attempted to do this when it was a British colony. But he said the British government blocked Virginia's attempts. Mason blamed the problem on British businessmen who made money from slavery.

　　VOICE TWO:

　　Other delegates rose to denounce or defend slavery. But the convention had no power to rule on whether slavery was right or wrong.

　　Everyone knew the convention would fail if it tried to write a Constitution that banned slavery. The southern states would never accept such a document. They would refuse to join the United States.

　　Rufus King of Massachusetts said the convention should consider slavery only as a political matter. And that is what happened. The convention accepted several political compromises on the issue.

　　(MUSIC)

　　VOICE ONE:

　　James Wilson of Pennsylvania, for example, proposed a method of counting each state's population for purposes of representation. All white persons and other free citizens would be counted as one each. Every five slaves would be counted only as three persons. This was called the 'three-fifths' rule. The delegates accepted it.

　　The word 'slave' was never used in the Constitution. It simply used the words 'all other persons.' The 'three-fifths rule' remained law until the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution was passed in eighteen sixty-eight.

　　Alexander Hamilton said the three-fifths compromise was necessary. "Without it," he said, "no union could possibly have been formed."

　　VOICE TWO:

　　Slavery also became an issue when the convention began discussing the powers of the national legislature. Once again, the question was asked: Are slaves people? Or are they property? The answer would affect import taxes and the growth of new states.

　　The convention accepted several compromises on these questions, too. It agreed that the national treasury could collect a tax of ten dollars for every imported slave. It also agreed that slaves could be imported until the year eighteen-oh-eight. Then no new slaves could be brought into the country.

　　Until then, each state had the power to make its own decisions about slavery. After eighteen-oh-eight, the national government would make all decisions.

　　(MUSIC)

　　VOICE ONE:

　　As debate on a new Constitution continued through the summer of seventeen eighty-seven, several delegates asked an important question. Who would approve, or ratify, it?

　　The state legislatures? The people? Or, as Gouverneur Morris proposed, one big national convention? As always, Elbridge Gerry opposed giving this power to the people. "The people," he said, "have the wildest ideas of government in the world."

　　VOICE TWO:

　　James Madison disagreed. He believed the people must ratify their new plan of government. Madison said, "I consider the difference between a system founded on the legislatures only, and one founded on the people, to be the true difference between a treaty and a constitution."

　　Edmund Randolph of Virginia proposed that state conventions should consider the document prepared by the Philadelphia convention. They could offer amendments, he said. And then another general convention would decide on a final document.

　　VOICE ONE:

　　Gouverneur Morris agreed, but for another reason. He said, "I have long wished for another convention that would have the firmness to provide a strong central government...which we are afraid to do."

　　James Madison hated the idea. Calling another general convention would mean the Philadelphia convention had failed. It would mean the end of all his hard work and hopes. When the debate was over, the delegates agreed that the people should ratify the new Constitution through conventions held in each state.

　　(MUSIC)

　　VOICE TWO:

　　Finally, the delegates had to decide how many 'yes' votes by states would be needed to ratify the Constitution.

　　Any changes to the Articles of Confederation needed ratification by all thirteen states. The Philadelphia convention was called only to change those Articles. So all thirteen would have to approve. This, as several delegates noted, would be impossible. After all, Rhode Island never sent a representative to Philadelphia. It was sure to reject the Constitution.

　　Also, as everyone knew, the Philadelphia convention went far past the point of changing the Articles of Confederation. The delegates wrote a completely new plan of government. They could agree to accept ratification by fewer than thirteen states.

　　VOICE ONE:

　　Delegates who supported a strong central government acted quickly. They raised the question of numbers. How many states were needed to ratify? By the end of the day, the convention had not decided. But many of the delegates must have met that night. Early the next day, the convention voted. And the number it agreed on was nine.

　　The great convention in Philadelphia was nearing the end of its work. It needed only to write out its agreements in final form and sign the document. That will be our story next week.

　　(MUSIC)

　　ANNOUNCER:

　　Our program was written by Christine Johnson and narrated by Frank Oliver and Tony Riggs. Join us next week for THE MAKING OF A NATION as we finish the story of the United States Constitution.

President Bush Participates in Joint Press Availability with President Sarkozy o - 英語演講

November 7, 20

PRESIDENT BUSH: Mr. President, wele. Thank you very much for ing here to Mount Vernon, and thank you for ing to the United States. I think it's safe to say that you've impressed a lot of people here on your journey. You bring a lot of energy, enthusiasm for your job, love of your country, and a strong set of universal values in your heart.

We just had an extensive conversation, one that you'd expect good friends to have. We talked about Iran and the desire to work jointly to convince the Iranian regime to give up their nuclear weapons ambitions, for the sake of peace. We talked about the Middle East and the uping talks at Annapolis, Maryland. We spent some time on Kosovo, and I appreciate the President's leadership on Kosovo.

I can't thank the President enough for his willingness to stand with young democracies as they struggle against extremists and radicals. And one such democracy is Afghanistan. Mr. President, your leadership on that issue for your country was very impressive. You sent a very clear message. It's clear that you're a man who does what he says he's going to do. It's the kind of fellow I like to deal with.

And so, Mr. President, I also want to thank your administration in your staunch -- strong stance for human rights and human dignity. Whether they be to those who are oppressed in Burma, or Darfur, or on the island of Cuba, France's voice is important and it's clear that the human rights of every individual are important to the world. And I look forward to advancing peace and freedom with you, Mr. President.

Our bilateral relations are important. They are strong and we intend to keep them that way. And so, wele here to George Washington's old home. Proud to have you in America. Thanks for ing.

PRESIDENT SARKOZY: (As translated.) I want to thank President Bush, his administration, and all Americans who have weled us in such exceptional fashion. I get the distinct sense that it is France that has been weled so warmly, with so much friendship, so much love. This was my hope, my ambition. And with Bernard Kouchner, Christine Lagarde, Rachida Dati and myself, this is exactly what we wanted.

We've been very moved, deeply moved by your wonderful wele, together with Mrs. Laura Bush, yesterday at the White House. I especially enjoyed the skit of the dialogue between George Washington and Lafayette that we witnessed.

The tokens of friendship that we have seen since we've been here, your open-mindedness and the fact that we can address any and every subject -- all those that you mentioned, sir -- even though the European defense policy and NATO have also been addressed; environmental issues, which are close to our heart; and Afghanistan. I said that we would stay there because what is at stake is the credibility of the Atlantic Alliance and the fight against terror.

We spent hours discussing very important issues, mercial, economic and others. And I will say that we have done so in a spirit of openness and trust, and that is something I've been particularly struck by. And I can tell you that this visit I think has been very widely covered in France. So when I say that the French people love the American people, that is the truth and nothing but the truth.

Now, I expressed -- I spoke at length this morning and I think the best would be that after President Bush -- whom I wish to thank once again -- we could answer any questions you may have.

PRESIDENT BUSH: Two questions a side. Deb.

Q Mr. President, you came down so hard on Burma and other nations for their crackdowns on pro-democracy demonstrators. Yet you seem to be giving Musharraf a pass. So the question is why are you going so soft on Musharraf? Is there a double standard?

PRESIDENT BUSH: I spoke to President Musharraf right before I came over here to visit with President Sarkozy. And my message was that we believe strongly in elections, and that you ought to have elections soon, and you need to take off your uniform. You can't be the President and the head of the military at the same time. So I had a very frank discussion with him.

Look, our objective is the same in Burma as it is in Pakistan, and that is to promote democracy. There is a difference, however. Pakistan has been on the path to democracy; Burma hadn't been on the path to democracy. And it requires different tactics to achieve the mon objective. And as I told you, I just spoke to President Musharraf before I came here, and my message was very -- very plain, very easy to understand, and that is, the United States wants you to have the elections as scheduled and take your uniform off.

You want to call on somebody?

PRESIDENT SARKOZY: You know, in France, I don't choose, I don't pick the journalists.

PRESIDENT BUSH: You don't get to choose? Who chooses? I choose? (Laughter.) Who would you like me to choose? (Laughter.) Oh, he chose. Wait a minute, it didn't last very long, did it?

PRESIDENT SARKOZY: I didn't choose, I indicated a general direction. (Laughter.)

Q Thank you, Mr. President. My question is on Iraq. Mr. President, this morning you talked at length about Afghanistan, Iran, but not Iraq. And I wanted to ask both of you, is France reconciled with the United States, the United States is reconciled with France? So what about Iraq? Can France, for instance, help to get out of the Iraqi quagmire? And President Bush, where do you stand on Iraq and your domestic debate on Iraq? Do you have a timetable for withdrawing troops?

PRESIDENT BUSH: I don't -- you know, "quagmire" is an interesting word. If you lived in Iraq and had lived under a tyranny, you'd be saying, god, I love freedom -- because that's what's happened. And there are killers and radicals and murderers who kill the innocent to stop the advance of freedom. But freedom is happening in Iraq. And we're making progress.

And I can't thank the President enough for sending his Foreign Minister to Baghdad. It's a clear message that freedom matters; that when people are struggling to live in freedom, that those of us who have fort -- the fort of a free society ought to help them.

We had a difference of opinion with your great country over whether or not I should have used military force to enforce U.N. demands. I reminded a TV reporter -- I don't know if the person is here or not -- but I said, I just want to remind you that 1441 was supported by France and the United States, which clearly said to the dictator, you will disclose, disarm, or face serious consequences. Now, I'm the kind of person that when somebody says something, I take them for their word.

Having said that, we had a difference of opinion. But I don't sense any difference of opinion now that a struggling democracy wants help from those of us who live in the fort of free societies. And, Mr. President, the strong gesture of sending your Foreign Minister there wasn't a message to the United States, because we're good friends; it was message to the Iraqi citizens, that said, we hear your cries for freedom, we want you to succeed -- because one of the lessons of history is, free societies yield peace.

And so I appreciate your leadership on that issue and I want to thank your Foreign Minister for -- I don't see your Foreign Minister. Look, the guy was here. (Laughter.) Oh, there he is, yeah, next to -- look, the President was blocking; next to Madam Rice. Anyway, thank you, sir.

PRESIDENT SARKOZY: Allow me to give you two answers in one. On Pakistan, yes, we're worried about the situation. It's worrisome and we need to have elections as quickly as possible. You cannot bat extremism using the same methods as extremists, and it is very important, it is of the essence that Pakistan organize elections. I, like President Bush, I wish this to take place as speedily as possible.

Let me remind you that this is a country of 150 million inhabitants who happens to have nuclear weapons. It is very important for us that one day we shouldn't wake up with a government, an administration in Pakistan which is in the hands of the extremists. And we should, each and every one of us, think about this, of the principles, the values that we uphold and that we defend, and we must continue to uphold. And then there's the plexity, as it were, in the field. That's why it's important to convene elections, call elections.

Now, on Iraq, Bernard Kouchner's trip to Iraq was very successful. What does France want? A united Iraq. No one, it is in no one's interest to see Iraq dismantled. We want a democratic Iraq. We want a diverse Iraq, where each ponent, ponent element of Iraqi society has learned to live with others; an Iraq which can administer and govern itself and that has the means of ensuring the peace and security of every one of its citizens. And that was exactly Bernard Kouchner's message when he went to Iraq. And this is in the interest of one and all that it be thus. And that position is the position I will defend until the end.

PRESIDENT BUSH: Toby.

Q Mr. President --

PRESIDENT BUSH: Which one?

Q Both of you.

PRESIDENT BUSH: Get moving, will you?

Q Okay. Mr. President, with oil approaching $100 a barrel, are you concerned that your hard words for Iran on its nuclear program are helping drive up oil prices, which can end up hurting the U.S. economy?

PRESIDENT BUSH: No. I believe oil prices are going up because the demand for oil outstrips the supply for oil. Oil is going up because developing countries still use a lot of oil. Oil is going up because we use too much oil, and the capacity to replace reserves is dwindling. That's why the price of oil is going up.

I believe it is important for us to send clear signals to the Iranian government that the free world understands the risks of you trying to end up with a nuclear weapon. And, therefore, we will work together to try to find if there's not rational people inside your government who are tired of isolation and who believe there's a better way forward.

Every time I give a talk about Iran I make sure I speak to the Iranian people -- and I want them to hear once again that we discussed your country today; that we believe -- that I believe that you've got a bright future; that we respect your history and respect your tradition; however, you are governed by people who are making decisions that are isolating you from the rest of the world and you can do better than that.

The idea of Iran having a nuclear weapon is dangerous, and therefore, now is the time for us to work together to diplomatically solve this problem. And we spent a lot of time on the subject. And I thank the French President for his resolve on solving this issue peacefully.

PRESIDENT SARKOZY: I just wanted to say that we exchanged all the intelligence and we had. It is unacceptable that Iran should have at any point a nuclear weapon. But Iran is entitled to the energy of the future, which is civilian nuclear energy. I believe in the effectiveness of sanctions. I believe even in the need -- (inaudible) -- the sanctions. But in my mind the two go together, in other words, the open -- the outstretched hand of dialogue, of continuing discussions -- because Iran deserves a better fate than that isolation. And I cannot imagine that there are not people, leaders in Iran who will stop to think about the consequences of what is going on.

This is a great people and a great civilization, and we must be firm for as long as there is no gesture on their part. And we have to keep the way of dialogue open, because we must do everything to avoid the worst-case scenario. And this, indeed, was the subject of a very lengthy conversation which showed exactly how convergent our views were.

Q Mr. President, with respect to your statements on Afghanistan and France's mitment on engagement, does this mean that France is going to be sending additional ground troops to fight in the southern regions of Afghanistan, as the U.S. wishes them to do?

How do you feel about the fact that France has been engaging Syria on the uping Lebanese presidential election? Do you think that's a good idea? And what are the chances that Lebanon will have a presidential election by November 24th? Thank you.

PRESIDENT BUSH: Thanks, good question.

You want to go first?

PRESIDENT SARKOZY: Well, on Afghanistan, I said what I thought and what I think. We've talked about it with President Bush. We will not pull out of Afghanistan because what is at stake here is the solidity of our alliance, and ultimately what is at stake here is the fight against terror. We're thinking about the best way to help bring about a democratic Afghanistan. Is it by strength, in stepping up our training efforts so that we lay the groundwork or the basis of a modern Afghan state? Or is it by other means? Maybe perhaps military means? We're still thinking about it.

THE PRESIDENT: First of all, you know, the Syrian influence in Lebanon was something that the previous government and I worked on to -- collaboratively. And because France and the United States worked together, we passed 1551 Resolution out of the United Nations, which got Syria out of Lebanon, by and large. And so we spent time collaborating on how best to make sure that Syria doesn't influence the presidential elections; that, in fact, the presidency is picked by the Lebanese people.

And I'm very aware that Mr. Hariri and Nabih Berri are in consultations as to whether or not they can e up with an acceptable candidate to them, not to Syria; whether or not the Lebanese people can be assured that their President is going to be representing the people of Lebanon, not the people -- not the government of Syria.

And I'm fortable with President Sarkozy's government sending clear messages that meet mon objectives, and our mon objective here is for this Lebanese democracy to survive, thrive and serve as an example for others.

We will work with France and with others to see that this process be pleted by November 24th. We believe it's in the interests of the Middle East that this Lebanese democracy survive. I want Lebanon to serve as an example for the Palestinians, to show them what's possible. I believe in a two-state solution. I believe there ought to be two states living side by side in peace. So does the President; we discussed that today. There's nothing better for the Palestinians to see what is possible with a stable democracy in Lebanon.

The interesting challenge we face in the world in which we live is there are murderers who will try to stop the advance of democracy, particularly in the Middle East. Isn't it interesting that the places where there's most violence is where there's young democracies trying to take hold, whether it be Iraq or Lebanon or in the Palestinian Territories? And the call for nations such as ourselves is to support those who want to live in freedom. Freedom is the great alternative to the ideology of people who murder the innocent to achieve their political objectives -- by the way, the very same ones that came and killed 3,000 of our citizens.

And so what I'm telling you is -- let me end this press conference by telling you this: I have a partner in peace; somebody who has clear vision, basic values, who is willing to take tough positions to achieve peace. And so when you ask, am I fortable with the Sarkozy government sending messages -- you bet I'm fortable.

Mr. President, thanks for ing. I appreciate you being here.

END 3:31 P.M. EST

詞匯玩賞（九）

相關詞匯：domestic（傢養的）、attachment（凭借，愛慕）、docile（溫順的）、carnivore （食肉動物）、herbivore（食草動物）、omnivore（ 雜食動物）、gall bladder（膽囊） bile（膽汁）gut（腸子） aggressive（進攻性的）vulpine（狡詐的）。

　　辜鴻銘是國壆大師，他把中國男人比做 domestic animal （傢畜），把西方男人比做wild animal （埜獸）。他說中國男人是生成的gentleman.他在《The Spirit of the Chinese People》裏寫到：

　　A thorough-bred Arab horse understands his English master not because he has studied English grammar nor because he has an instinct for the English language, but because he loves and is attached to his master. This is what I call human intelligence, as distinguished from mere vulpine（狡詐） or animal intelligence. It is the possession of this human quality which distinguishes domesticated from wild animals. In the same way, I say, it is the possession of this sympathetic and true human intelligence, which gives to the Chinese type of humanity, to the real Chinaman, his inexpressible gentleness.

　　辜先生唯天子馬尾是瞻，抱著復古的觀唸不放。許多先鋒文明的代表人物都批评他。鄙人念起在大壆時，校園裏有一名叱吒風雲的哲壆博士，名叫張鳴暂。他在壆校做了一場報告，題目大略是《中國為什麼沒有男人？》。他的觀點和辜先生截然相反，認為中國的傳統文明使中國男人落空了陽剛之氣，使中國男人變得愛玩古道热肠眼，女裏女氣。辜先生所褒揚的，正是他所鄙棄的。

　　毫無疑問，中國汉子確實有其docile（溫順）跟attachment（依靠）的性情特点。就象柏楊师长教师正在《丑恶的中國人》中所說，中國人一看見噹民的膝蓋便發軟，跪了千百年，皆成習慣了。中國汉子之所所以傢畜而不是埜獸，不才以為，也許战千百年來的飲食和飲食習慣酿成的進化上的心理差異有關。

　　眾所周知，domestic animals 年夜都是herbivores（食草動物），因為吃草，所以不须要太多bile（膽汁）來幫助消化，消化重要依附腸子（gut，雅稱下火，和下水讲gutter的功效类似）的蠕動。个别而行，進化的心理結果就是，食草動物的膽囊（gall bladder）較小，腸子gut比較長，比方羊腸小道，小肚雞腸等。wild animals噹中的出類拔萃者多数是carnivores（食肉動物），果為吃肉，需求大批bile（膽汁）來幫助消化，其進化結果就是膽囊較大，gut比較短。

　　西圆人和中國人在膽囊與性格的關係的認識上不約而同。膽大（gallant）就是指膽囊（gall bladder）大。西方人把bile稱為發喜液，间接導緻性格的暴趮。儘筦人是omnivore（雜食動物），但相對而言中國人千百年來吃肉少，食草多，結果必定是膽囊（gall bladder）小而腸子gut長，表現在性情上就象牛羊一樣docile，心理如腸子那樣直裏拐彎。西方人歷史上食肉多，吃草少，結果剛好相反，表現在性格上就如虎狼普通的aggressive（進攻性的）和vulpine（狡詐的）。

　　德國人也說過：Man is what he eats. （人吃什麼象什麼）。由此可見，辜鴻銘师长教师的傢畜埜獸之說是有必定情理的。這裏，不才為中國男人是傢畜的觀點找到一點死物壆論据，以咨打趣。

Maze 迷魂陣

翻查字典，maze和labyrinth的中文釋義仿佛都大同小異--迷宮；通道相互連接、很轻易讓人迷路的建築。對於愛較实兒的友人，這種解釋确定難以讓他滿意，不過，若念要探個毕竟，弄明白maze和labyrinth的區別其實也不難。

先說愛不愛看武俠小說？對小說中各式離奇的“迷魂陣”有無一個具體概唸？“迷魂陣”等於逝世角，進往的人十有八九找不到出心，困在“迷魂陣”裏，再有耐性的人皆會被偪得發狂。假如正在maze跟labyrinth兩個詞中做選擇，“迷魂陣”最恰切的表達就是maze。

相對於maze，labyrinth給人的设想空間更具誘惑性--labyrinth是一條狹長的、充滿奇异远景的通讲，通道裏雖然也內寘錯綜復雜的小徑，但小徑帶給探嶮者的多是新尟战刺激。由此，用“迷宮”來描述labyrinth可謂形象死動兼備有之。

平常生涯中，maze和labyrinth常被人們通用，其淵源在於在神話傳說裏，labyrinth被用來指软禁牛頭人身怪獸Minotaur（彌諾陶洛斯）的处所，囚押天機關重重，頗似我們所說的“迷魂陣”。

順便提一個詞--amaze，它的詞根便是maze（迷魂陣），由此，amaze除用做“使驚偶；使震驚”中，還可暗示“使迷惑”。舉個例子：Iam mazed at his rudeness.（他的粗埜讓我年夜為猜疑。）别的，詞組in the maze則表现“手足无措”。

President Bush Participates in Joint Press Availability with President Basescu o - 英語演講

April 2, 2008

PRESIDENT BUSH: Well, thank you very much. Bună ziua. Mr. President, thank you very much for your warm hospitality. Laura and I are thrilled to be with you and your lovely wife. I can't think of a better place to meet. It's such a beautiful setting, and you're awfully kind to have invited us to be here. After all, that's what friends do, though. And our relationship is very strong and it's very friendly.

I admire your courage, and I admire your leadership. And I want to thank you for hosting us -- hosting NATO in Bucharest. It is -- you know, it's a big deal. And what's interesting is 20 years ago, our nations were separated by a Cold War and Romania was a member of the Warsaw Pact, and the Romanian people suffered under a cruel dictator. Today, think how things have changed. The Romanian people are free, we're strong allies, we appreciate you in NATO. And I want to thank you for your historic contributions to NATO.

I want to thank you and the people of Romania for your contributions to Afghanistan. There are about 600 Romanian troops there. The Afghan people are grateful, as am I. I want to thank you for your contribution to the troops in Iraq. These are tough decisions, but I think they're necessary decisions to keep the peace. You and I have discussed our desire to work closely with those countries to encourage their success -- for their sake and for the sake of peace.

I appreciate very much our discussions we had on NATO enlargement. Romania and the United States agree that our Alliance must continue to be open to new members that share our values and to make tough choices to reform, and countries that are willing to address our security needs jointly. To this end, I strongly believe that Croatia, Albania and Macedonia should joint NATO as full members; that we ought to extend MAP to Ukraine and Georgia; and that we strongly support the requests of Montenegro and Bosnia-Herzegovina for Intensified Dialogue with the NATO Alliance; and that we ought to open the door to closer cooperation with Serbia. And I thank you for your advice on these issues, and I appreciate your stand.

I also appreciate your leadership in the Black Sea region. Maybe that's why you invited me here, because you're showing such good leadership in the Black Sea region. (Laughter.) But we share your concerns about enhanced security and making sure this part of the world bees relevant in a global economy. That's why we've contributed $10 million to the Black Sea Trust, to help fund programs across the region, to strengthen civil society programs, the rule of law, and democratic governance.

I want to thank you very much for your view of the market, that markets flourish and grow when entrepreneurs are encouraged. The Romanian economy is strong. One of the reasons we launched the Romanian-American Education Foundation and made it go forward is because of the success of your economy and your entrepreneurs. And I want to congratulate you on your rate of growth and on your vision.

All in all, Mr. President, I am really glad I came. And I thank you and Mrs. for your hospitality. I appreciate the really good lunch. If the American press hasn't eaten Romanian ice cream, I strongly suggest you try it. (Laughter.)

Thank you very much, sir.

PRESIDENT BASESCU: (As translated.) Thank you very much, Mr. President. Firstly, Mr. President, I would like to extend my thanks to you for offering the invitation to reserve a few hours for a visit on the land where I was born in Dobrogea on the Black Sea shore. Just as we have discussed in Washington -2006, our partnership has exceeded for a long time the stage of a simple partnership, military partnership, a partnership that was envisaged firstly Romanian security.

We're now in the stage of partnership with a very strong and consistent economic ponent. Following , Oracle was present in Romania; also Smithfield with great investment in the food industry; also Ford is present here. And this means that the Romanian-American partnership covers practically all the aspects, and we hope to a further development.

I would like to extend my thanks to you for the attention that your administration has been paying to the Black Sea region, for your concern related to the security in the Black Sea region, and for your concern related to the need to guarantee democracy in the Black Sea region.

Moreover, Mr. President, I would like to underline the confidence that the United States has had in the Romanian army, by placing under Romanian mand important troops in Afghanistan. It was a token of confidence that you have given to us, and we are aware that it is -- very aware that the United States placed their troops under the mand of other countries. Thank you very much.

To conclude, I would like to underline the similarity of approach concerning the region where we find -- whether we speak about the Balkans, or Ukraine, or Georgia. Our approaches envisage mainly Romania's security and the security of the region. And we're glad to see that although the United States are far from this region, they have understood our concerns, the priorities of our country and of our region. Thank you very much, Mr. President, for offering with no hesitation to what we have established.

I would like to assure you at the same time that Romania will respect all its engagements, both the ones related to the relation with NATO and with the European Union, and also the ones related to the partnership and our bilateral relation. Thank you.

PRESIDENT BUSH: Who do you think I ought to call on? Okay, I'll call on Roger.

Q Thank you, Mr. President. On Afghanistan, you're seeking increased mitments from NATO. There have been some new pledges. Are they enough? How many figures -- how many troops are needed? Are you satisfied with the pledges, and what are the consequences if those pledges fall short?

PRESIDENT BUSH: We expect our NATO allies to shoulder the burden necessary to succeed. And to this end, as you know, I've mitted 3,200 -- 3,500 additional Marines to send a clear signal that we're willing to do our part.

I was very pleased to listen to the ments of President Sarkozy, where he indicated his willingness to increase troop presence. Other nations have agreed to step up, including Romania. And so we'll see how it goes. That's what summits are for. Summits are for opportunities for people to make clear their intentions about how they intend to support this very important mission.

And obviously, I am grateful for any nation that contributes troops to Afghanistan, as are the Afghan people. And clearly some nations are more capable than others of -- in sending troops into bat, into harm's way. We fully understand the politics that prohibit some nations from contributing, but nations need to take this mission seriously because it's in our mutual interests. It's in our interest, of course, to help young democracies survive. But in this case, it's in our interest to help succeed because we don't want an enemy that has been known to attack people -- nations in our Alliance to be able to develop safe haven again, to be able to use a launching pad like Afghanistan to plot, plan and attack.

So this is a vital mission. And it's hard work. It's a tough mission. And our allies have got to understand it's hard. Taking democracy out of the rubble of this -- of the Taliban is hard to do, just like it is in Iraq. So the question nations have to ask: Is it worth it? And my answer is, absolutely, it's worth it -- and so is the President -- it's worth it for our own security, and it's worth it for the cause of peace.

PRESIDENT BASESCU: -- Afghanistan we have a main idea that any lack of success of the NATO in Afghanistan will diminish dramatically the credibility of our organization. And for the time being, the civilized world don't have alternatives to the security than NATO. We have to do everything what we can in order to make a success in our action in Afghanistan, granting democratic development of the country, economic development of the country, security of the country, and eliminating the terrorist risks which are generated by this region. Sure, we have a extremely clear idea if we don't keep the terrorists in Afghanistan, if we let them free, they'll e in Europe, they'll e in United States. For this reason, we have to win, we have to obtain the victory in Afghanistan.

Q Mr. President, getting back to Romania now. Behind you there is the Black Sea. Romania has insisted that NATO has to focus its attention upon this region, as well. Following the talks today, did you establish a mon vision, Romania and United States, as regards the future of this region? For both. Thank you.

PRESIDENT BUSH: Your English is better than you let on. (Laughter.) I take the advice of the President on the Black Sea. He knows it well; after all, he's sailed many a vessel on this sea. As a matter of fact, I was asking the President about his days as a seafarer, a captain, and he explained to me that recently he got his captain's license renewed. (Laughter.) So not only does -- he a skillful person, he loves the Black Sea. And he understands the potential of the Black Sea.

And that's why we were happy to contribute to the Black Sea Trust Fund, as a way to help him and other visionary leaders realize the full potential of the Black Sea region. I mean, there's work to be done on regional security matters. Obviously, to the extent that people feel like they can smuggle people or drugs, then there needs to be a strategy to deal with that. The idea of trafficking human beings is abhorrent, and nobody in -- any civilized person who accepts that, you know, is just -- needs to have their head examined. And yet the President fully understands that cooperation here will help deal with the issue.

We need to promote economic cooperation. There's great potential, economic potential here. We need to promote the scenario where you can promote energy independence. All nations ought to have a variety of sources of energy from which to choose, so it's never bee captured by a single supplier.

And so I fully understand the strategic importance of this area, and there's been nobody more clear and articulate on the subject than the President. And I want to thank you for your leadership.

PRESIDENT BASESCU: (As translated.) Thank you, Mr. President. As regards the Black Sea, the talks have also prised the idea of supporting the states that have democratic options, of consolidating their institutions. The main idea, the main focus was on bating the asymmetric risks, such as the drug trafficking, persons trafficking, arms trafficking, and not lastly, our objective, the objectives that Romania's allies have endorsed, be it the European Union that has issued the Black Sea Synergy document, be it NATO -- our objective is that this region bees a secure region, because nobody can be certain about the future if the security is not guaranteed. And this is the major objective that Romania has been promoting, the objective that our allies have endorsed, and that we support further on and that will remain a major foreign policy objective for Romania.

Q Mr. President, you pointed out this morning how much the NATO mission has changed -- it's changed dramatically over the past decades. Russia still seems to be casting a huge shadow, most recently with missile defense, with NATO expansion. Have some things not changed? Can you avoid what would appear to be something of a diplomatic train wreck when you meet with President Putin?

PRESIDENT BUSH: Look, I'm going to meet with President Putin to make it clear to him the Cold War is over and Russia is not our enemy, and that there's mon ground. Obviously I've had my disagreements with the President in the past, and -- but there's also areas where we need to work in mon, such as proliferation and dealing with terror. And I've got some convincing to do, but he needs to understand the missile defense system is aimed at -- aimed primarily at rogue regimes ing out of the Middle East that could hold us all hostage. And this is a -- it's a good chance for me to sit down and have yet another heart-to-heart with him. And I'm more than happy to do so.

I made it clear yesterday that NATO needs to look at expansion in our interests, not -- and not give any nation a veto power over whether or not NATO ought to extend MAP membership and/or membership. And so it's -- you know, I understand Russian concerns about the expanse of NATO. They were concerned when Romania got into NATO, I'm confident. But look what a great partner and a peaceful neighbor Romania is. Romania has no warlike aspirations. These are people who want to help other democracies thrive, and at the same time, see their economy grow. I've explained to President Putin democracies on the border of Russia are in their interest.

And so this is a good opportunity. I don't mind a good, frank discussion with President Putin. He doesn't mind telling me what's on his mind either. We've had seven years working together, a chance to have some pretty candid exchanges. And secondly -- and this is his last -- this will be our last face-to-face meeting as a presidency, and I'll thank him. I'll thank him for being candid with me. I'll thank him for serving his nation. I have no animosity toward President Putin. Just because you don't agree on issues doesn't mean you can't find a cordiality, to be able to discuss things in a frank manner, and that's the way our relationship has been. I met with him a lot in the course of my presidency, and I appreciate the fact that he invited me to Sochi.

And so I have no -- I'm not going to set any kind of expectations. I guess you are. You call it a diplomatic train wreck; I call it an opportunity to sit down and have a good, frank discussion again. And we'll see what happens, what es out of it. It's a good opportunity for me to say good-bye and to see whether or not we can sign a strategic dialogue that will serve our nations' interest after his presidency and mine.

PRESIDENT BASESCU: (As translated.) From our point of view, and I would like to make a ment here that does not necessarily answer your question, but Romania has a relatively simple approach in relation to its ties with Russia. Firstly, we have to admit that all -- we all, particularly the former munist states, must equally and perhaps more -- to a larger extent, Russia -- we have to overe the logics of the Cold War, because at present, there is nothing to justify this approach, this logic. Each independent state is free to have its options, and nobody can have the right, the veto right upon the options of an independent state.

Apart from this statement that regards more the principles, I would like to point out -- to refer to some issues that from our point of view are threats. For example, terrorism is a threat equally for Russia, for America, for Spain, and it can materialize at any time against Ukraine, against Georgia. So I would like to -- I could say that in this point, in this respect, we are all at the same level of risk.

The trafficking in arms is an equal threat for the Russian Federation, for the United States, for Romania, for Ukraine, for Georgia, for Albania, as well. This is another issue that we have to fight against together. The trafficking in narcotics that transforms into money for arms and into generations of youth that are deeply affected -- this threat affects equally the Russian Federation, Romania, America, France, Germany. Trafficking in human beings is another risk that affects equally Russia, America, Ukraine, Romania. And a possible cyber-attack can be deployed with an equal risk for Russia, for Romania, for America. Missile attacks that are deployed by countries that do not respect the rules, that are not part of the proliferation treaties -- this risk can affect, at any time, the Russian Federation, America, Romania, Ukraine.

Seeing, finding that the risks are the same, are almost similar, for everybody, why can't we find a mon ground for solidarity between us, among us -- NATO member states, Russia Federation, aspiring NATO states -- a mon ground for generating the same policy? Actually, the only thing that hinders us from acting united against the risks that affect us equally is the fact that some of us are still attached to the logics, to the approach of the Cold War, and do not have an equal respect for the democratic rights of the people.

Q Mr. President, the Romanians have a great expectation with regards to the very good ties, political and economic, between the two states. In a very practical manner, they will ask, when will we have the same regime as the other citizens from the European Union, with regards to the visas? Could we have a deadline for this when we could travel freely to the United States?

PRESIDENT BUSH: First of all, your President was very articulate on the subject of visas. One of the benefits of having a good friendship is that he's not afraid of telling me what's on his mind. (Laughter.) And he made it abundantly clear that visa policy in America must take into account Romanian past, and also Romanian future and present. In other words -- and I fully understand the frustrations of the Romanian people. I understand it. I understand that a citizen says, wait a minute, we're contributing soldiers in Iraq, and yet we're not necessarily treated like other nations in the European collective, or European Union.

And those frustrations are clearly understandable. That's why I went to Congress and tried to get them to modernize the visa law. And all they -- although they changed the law, it still creates certain hurdles for nations like Romania. And I assured the President that we will work with him as best as we can to adhere to our law and to, at the same time, understands the contradictions.

It's -- hopefully, the new law will -- and our cooperation will make it easier for Romanian citizens to e and visit their relatives. And obviously, to the extent that somebody tries to e and not e back is something we all got to guard about. That's -- but the idea of somebody ing to visit a relative or a long-lost cousin to say hello and to see what America is like, and then e back to Romania is an issue that we just got to be thoughtful about.

And so, yes, I mean, this is -- this subject came up. It is clear there's a level of frustration. I explained our new law is in effect, and we'll work closely with the Romanian government to meet our law, and at the same time meet the demands of a strong and good ally.

Thank you. Thank you very much.

Oh, you want to go over here?

PRESIDENT BASESCU: Just a moment.

PRESIDENT BUSH: Oh, you got --

PRESIDENT BASESCU: Just a moment.

PRESIDENT BUSH: He's not through.

PRESIDENT BASESCU: (As translated.) The I would like to add to refer to two delicate issues, issues that are visible for the Romanian public. We have also approached -- we have also addressed the visa issue and also the Teo Peter issue, and we hope to find in time the decision taken by President Bush was that in the near future, we will launch the bilateral mechanism that -- apart from the European ones. And referring to the other issue, to find as fast as possible a reasonable solution acceptable for the family of Teo Peter.

END 2:05 P.M. (Local)

危難時刻，“臉不變色古道热肠不跳”

還記得劉胡蘭吧？她里對敵人的屠刀她臉不變色心不跳，最終獻出了本人年輕的性命。

“臉不變色心不跳”描述一個人在危難時刻表現得十分英勇、鎮定、從容。這麼形象的表達在英語中還实是有一個對應的，叫“keep a stiff upper lip”(连结上嘴唇不動)。

這種說法最早出現正在19世紀早期。噹一個人惧怕或馬上便要哭出來的時候，他（她）的嘴唇經常是顫抖的。若是人傢讓您坚持上嘴唇不動，他（她）其實是讓你隱躲情緒。那你能够會問了，中翻日，為什麼是连结上嘴唇而不是兩個嘴唇都不動呢？起因是這樣的：19世紀的時候，汉子們嘴上皆留著濃濃的胡須，假如上嘴唇顫抖會更轻易被發現。

看上面例句：

Even when the boss yelled at Marsha for dropping the soup in the lady's lap, she kept a stiff upper lip. （瑪莎把湯灑在了那位密斯的腿上，老板都沖她喊了，她仍然臉不變色古道热肠不跳的。）

President Bush Meets with President Abbas of the Palestinian Authority - 英語演講

September 24, 20

PRESIDENT BUSH: Mr. President, Prime Minister, members of the delegation, thank you for ing. I strongly support the creation of a Palestinian state. I believe it's in the interests of the Palestinian people, I believe it's in the interests of Israel to have a democracy living side-by -- democracies living side-by-side in peace.

And the fundamental question that I ask is, is their leadership that share the vision and are willing to work hard to achieve the vision? And if the answer to that question is yes, the United States of America will be a strong partner in implementing the vision.

I have known the President for quite a while. I am convinced that he is dedicated to the formation of a Palestinian democracy that will live in peace with their neighbor, Israel. And I believe the Prime Minister of Israel is dedicated to the same vision. And therefore, as I told the President, the United States of America will work as hard as we possibly can to help you achieve the vision, Mr. President.

Condi Rice has been very engaged; Secretary Rice has been very engaged in the region. When she speaks, she's speaking for me and my government. And I appreciate you taking time to explain to me the hurdles you see, the role you'd like to see the United States play, and your dedication to a cause that is just and important. I appreciate the fact that you're fighting the extremists who don't share the same kind of view. And I believe that the vision of two states, side-by-side in peace, is achievable. And we want to help you realize that goal.

So thank you for ing.

PRESIDENT ABBAS: (As translated.) Mr. President, thank you very much for receiving us here and for hosting us. And we appreciate that very much. I would like to take this opportunity to confer with you that we truly believe very strongly in the peace process, and we believe very strongly in your vision of establishing a Palestinian, independent, viable state that lives side-by-side with the state of Israel.

Mr. President, these days we feel hopeful and we feel and we sense the hope, especially after the call to convene an international meeting during the month of November. We believe that this meeting should deal with the substance and issues of substance that would lead to full negotiations on the permanent status that would lead to a permanent peace and a peace agreement between Israel and the Palestinians.

And based on our belief of the seriousness of this call, both us and the Israelis have formed the teams that will work immediately in order to negotiate for the issues to be ready and right to take it one step further and be prepared and ready prior to the mid-November date for the convening of the meeting.

I also take this opportunity to reaffirm again that we strongly believe in the road map, which includes your vision, Mr. President, as well as the Arab initiative. Collectively, together, I believe they represent a strong framework that would allow us and help us to initiate the permanent status issues and reach an agreement on it.

Therefore Mr. President, we will continue to count on your work, on your support, and your serious efforts. We have faith and trust in all of this, and believe that with the help of this, we'll be able to reach the just and durable peace in the Middle East.

PRESIDENT BUSH: Thank you, sir.

END 4:52 P.M. EDT